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The Scandza Forum on Human Biodiversity: Oslo, November 2

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On November 2, 2019, the Scandza Forum returns to Oslo, Norway, with an impressive list of speakers:

Kevin MacDonald, Professor Emeritus at California State University-Long Beach. He is the author of more than one hundred scholarly papers and reviews, and is the author of Social and Personality Development: An Evolutionary Synthesis (1988), A People That Shall Dwell Alone: Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy (1994), Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolutionary Theory of Anti-Semitism (1998), and The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements (1998). He has also edited three books, Sociobiological Perspectives on Human Development (1988), Parent-Child Play: Descriptions and Implications (1994), and Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Development (2004). Cultural Insurrections, a collection of essays, appeared in 2008. In April 2015, Professor MacDonald spoke in Stockholm on the psychological mechanisms of pathological altruism, at an event organized by Fróði Midjord and Logik Förlag, and in the spring of 2017 he gave a speech at the first ever Scandza Forum.

Edward Dutton, PhD, is a British academic and writer based in northern in Finland. Editor-in-Chief of the scientific journal Mankind Quarterly, Dr. Dutton is the author of numerous peer-reviewed articles and many scholarly books, most recently: At Our Wits’ End: Why We’re Becoming Less Intelligent and What It Means for the Future, Race Differences in Ethnocentrism, The Silent Rape Epidemic: How the Finns Were Groomed to Love Their Abusers, and Churchill’s Headmaster: The ‘Sadist’ Who Nearly Saved the British Empire. Dr. Dutton burst onto the vlogging scene in January 2019 with his growing YouTube channel, The Jolly Heretic. This will be his first appearance on the Scandza Forum stage.

Helmuth Nyborg, Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Aarhus. Among other things, Professor Nyborg has done research on the genetic heredity of intelligence and behavior, and he has written on “collective fraud” regarding the nature/nurture debate in academia. One of his debate articles in Danish mainstream media from 2016 is titled “Danishness – culture or biology?” Professor Nyborg has previously spoken at American Renaissance, and he appeared in an interview with Stephan Molyneux on the topic of “Race, Genetics, and Intelligence.” This will be his second appearance at the Scandza Forum.

Greg Johnson, PhD in philosophy, is the founder and editor of Counter-Currents/North American New Right, former editor of The Occidental Quarterly, and is the author of numerous articles as well as ten books, including The White Nationalist Manifesto (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2018). Dr. Johnson is one of the leading intellectuals of White Nationalism and the Alternative Right, and he has spoken at every Scandza Forum.

Fróði Midjord, founder of the Scandza Forum, is host of the Guide to Kulchur podcast and YouTube channel, and is a regular participant on Counter-Currents Radio and an internationally appreciated conference speaker. Last year, Mr. Midjord spoke at seven conferences in five different countries.

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Our theme for this event is Human Biodiversity, the suggestion that the diversity found among and between human individuals and populations has a significant basis in biology. Although the theory of evolution is well-established, for decades it has been taboo to apply evolutionary and biological explanations to human behavior, and especially to differences between human populations and races. Popular culture and the political mainstream today has implicitly assumed the “blank slate” theory as an axiom for what can be discussed in polite society.

One famous example of this is James Watson, who won the Nobel Prize in Medicine 1962 for his groundbreaking research on DNA. In 2007 he told a newspaper that he was “inherently gloomy about the prospect of Africa” because “all our social policies are based on the fact that their intelligence is the same as ours — whereas all the testing says not really,” which would be an uncontroversial statement for anyone who is actually familiar with the research on the subject. However, the statement ignited a mass media witch-hunt which resulted in Watson selling his gold medal in 2014, because he had been ostracized from the scientific community.

During this event, we will break those taboos, speak freely on the “Nature vs. Nurture” debate, and discuss human diversity from an evolutionary perspective.

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If you want to know more about our events, please watch any of my several appearances on podcasts and live streams where I have been interviewed about the Scandza Forum, including:

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If you want to attend, please send us an email for information on how to proceed with the registration: info@scandzaforum.com

Since we have two conferences coming up, remember to let us know which one you want to attend (you are also welcome to register for both events, of course).

Because we care about your safety, we have a vetting procedure to make sure that everyone attends with honest intentions. There are three ways you can get admission to the event, so remember to include the necessary information when you contact us:

  1. If you have attended one of our events previously. Make sure to make a note of this when you send us an email.
  2. Get a trusted person to vouch for you (i.e., vouch that you want to attend with honest intentions and that you will follow our security procedure). If you know someone who has attended a previous event, or otherwise knows us, let us know in your email. Remember to also ask that person to send me confirmation that he/she can vouch for you.
  3. Send us photo ID and some personal details (e.g., address/phone no./social media) that will allow us to verify your identity, so that we can make an evaluation. No anonymous registration is accepted.

This will be an unforgettable event – so make sure to register now!

Finally, I want to thank our supporters and donors – you know who you are. It is with their help that the previous Scandza forums were made possible, and that we now are able to move forward!

I am looking forward to seeing you all in Oslo on November 2.

 


“I’m Not a Conspiracy Theorist, but . . .”: Jeffrey Epstein’s Death Gives New Life to “Conspiracy Theories”

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When Jeffrey Epstein died on August 10, 2019, he was one of the world’s most important prisoners because of the people he might implicate in his crimes.

Epstein was charged with multiple counts of sex trafficking and conspiracy to traffic minors for sex. But he was no ordinary pervert or pimp. Epstein enjoyed enormous wealth from obscure origins. He was described as a financier but had only one known client, Les Wexner, owner of Victoria’s Secret and other companies.

Epstein used his wealth to buy his way into the upper echelons of the American-Anglo-Jewish political and financial elite. Epstein’s black book contained contact information for such people as Donald Trump, Bill Clinton, Queen Elizabeth II, Prince Andrew, King Salman of Saudi Arabia, Alan Dershowitz, Ehud Barak, Henry Kissinger, Michael Bloomberg, and many other oligarchs and entertainers.

Epstein apparently had a taste for underage girls. Underage girls, of course, cannot legally consent to sex, so Jeffrey Epstein was a serial rapist. He widely advertised his tastes, calling his private jet the Lolita Express. In 2006, the FBI began investigating Epstein, tracking down more than 100 women, many of them underage, who had been paid to perform sex acts for Epstein and his wealthy and influential friends.

But in 2007, Epstein cut a deal with US Attorney Alex Acosta to avoid federal prosecution and prison. According to the terms of this agreement, Epstein agreed to plead guilty to two felony prostitution charges in state court. In exchange, Epstein and his accomplices received immunity from federal sex-trafficking charges that could have landed them in prison for life. Epstein served 13 months in a private wing in a county jail. He was allowed to leave the jail 16 hours a day, six days a week. Basically, he only slept there. His alleged accomplices were never prosecuted. The Epstein deal was sealed, so that the nature and full extent of his crimes were never made public. The Epstein case was unsealed earlier this year due to the efforts of reporter Julie Brown, leading to Epstein’s arrest and eventually to his death.

Acosta ended up as Secretary of Labor in the Trump Administration. Acosta reportedly told a White House official, who then told reporter Vicky Ward, that he had signed the non-prosecution agreement because he had been told to “back off” on Epstein. “I was told Epstein ‘belonged to intelligence’ and to leave it alone.” If this is true, one has to ask: Which country’s intelligence services did Epstein belong to? And who told Acosta to back off?

Philip Giraldi suggests that Israel is a likely candidate. Epstein was Jewish. So is his one known client, Les Wexner. His former girlfriend, confidante, and alleged co-conspirator in sex trafficking is Ghislaine Maxwell, the daughter of Robert Maxwell (born Ján Ludvík Hyman Binyamin Hoch), a wealthy Jewish businessman and swindler who, like Epstein, died in mysterious circumstances. According to Giraldi, “After his death, [Maxwell] was given a state funeral by Israel in which six serving and former heads of Israeli intelligence listened while Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir eulogized: ‘He has done more for Israel than can today be said.’”

All of this raises uncomfortable questions. Was Epstein entrapping his wealthy and influential friends into committing statutory rape? Was he also collecting other more or less embarrassing dirt on them, in order to financially and perhaps politically blackmail them? That’s my working hypothesis.

I think Jeffrey Epstein was probably an Israeli intelligence agent, given the cover of a wealthy and connected financier, who pimped out underage girls to wealthy and influential perverts so he could blackmail them for money and favors in business and politics. This theory fits the known facts, has predictive power, and can be verified or refuted by further investigation. If this hypothesis is true, then quite a few powerful people had reasons to ensure that Epstein never stood trial or cut a deal with the prosecution.

Now if I knew Epstein was a likely target for assassination, so did the people who prosecuted him. So did Epstein’s jailers at New York’s Metropolitan Correctional Center. Everybody should have known that Epstein was a target as soon as he was arrested on July 6, 2019. Those who somehow initially overlooked this fact certainly had no excuse after Epstein was found injured and semiconscious in his cell on July 23, 2019. Epstein had marks around his neck consistent with either attempted suicide or attempted murder. To make matters worse, Epstein and his cellmate dummied up about what happened.

Thus when Jeffrey Epstein turned up dead with marks around his neck consistent with murder or suicide, everyone with two IQ points to rub together and a cursory knowledge of his case concluded that his death was no mere suicide.

Let’s think this through. Jeffrey Epstein was either murdered or he committed suicide. Nobody has suggested that Epstein died of natural causes. I am surprised nobody has suggested auto-erotic asphyxiation, given what a colossal pervert he was.

Because the Metropolitan Correctional Center had ways to prevent Epstein from committing suicide, if it was suicide, then Epstein was allowed to kill himself. If he was allowed to kill himself, it was either intentional or negligent.

If Epstein was intentionally allowed to kill himself, then the probable motive is the same as murder, namely to prevent Epstein from testifying.

If Epstein was negligently allowed to kill himself, then we have to conclude that the US government, particularly in New York City, is no longer a serious institution. Instead, it is functioning on a level somewhere between a Latin American banana republic and an African failed state. In particular, we have to conclude that the people in charge of New York’s Metropolitan Correctional Center are either criminal or negligent, or perhaps a combination of the two.

Moreover, any intelligent person could have concluded all of this before we began hearing stories of mysteriously malfunctioning surveillance cameras, mysteriously discontinued suicide monitoring, and mysteriously absent guards.

Whether it is murder or suicide, Jeffrey Epstein’s death is the scandal of the decade. Whether it is murder or suicide, and whether we ever get the truth or not, the Epstein case can only further unravel the average American’s already frayed trust in the political system and mainstream media. And that’s really good for populist dissidents like me, for populism feeds on the breakdown of trust in the establishment.

When the Epstein debate is between those who think that the system was evil enough to murder him or incompetent enough to let him commit suicide, the system can’t win, and we dissidents can’t lose. No matter what happened, the truth hurts them and helps us.

But what if we never even learn the truth? Then the debate will be between people who think the system is evil enough to cover up the truth and the people who think the system is too incompetent to find it. Heads we dissidents win, tails the establishment loses.

I like those odds.

Furthermore, something else died on August 10th, 2019, something of potentially far greater import than Jeffrey Epstein: The phrase “conspiracy theory” lost its power to deter critical thinking about the consensus manufactured and imposed by the political and media establishment.

In the hands of the establishment, “conspiracy theory” is simply a term of abuse masquerading as an objective category. For the establishment, a “conspiracy theory” is just a dissenting viewpoint that threatens its power.

But there’s nothing wrong with conspiracy theories. A “theory” is simply an explanation that ties together observed phenomena in terms of an underlying set of causes, e.g., the theory of evolution or atomic theory. A “conspiracy theory” is an explanation that ties together observed phenomena in terms of underlying causes as well, in this case human planning. The Latin root of “conspiracy,” conspirare, means to “whisper together.”

A conspiracy is a kind of human planning and action that has two essential characteristics. First, a conspiracy requires at least two people. An idea hatched and carried out by a lone person may be a plot or a crime, but it is not a conspiracy. Second, a conspiracy requires secrecy, because the things that people conspire about cannot be discussed openly without endangering the plan.

Conspiracies are often criminal but need not be. Sometimes one must resort to conspiracies to do perfectly legal things because to plan and act openly would tip one’s hand to rivals and enemies. So when football players huddle, they are conspiring. When businessmen develop products, they are conspiring. When governments plan espionage and warfare, they are conspiring. When political parties and candidates plan election campaigns, they are conspiring. When dissidents plan meetings and events, they are conspiring. I conspire every day of my life, from dawn to dusk.

Much of human history springs from plans and actions that begin in secret. Thus to stigmatize conspiracy theories as such would require us to throw out a vast number of criminal prosecutions. The same goes for most journalism and historiography, which often seek to tie together multiple observed facts in terms of unified plans. Most of the best literature and film on politics, espionage, and crime would have to be discarded as well. Can you imagine a James Bond movie in which merely uttering the words “conspiracy theory” would paralyze thought and action?

Moreover, the very same people who denigrate “conspiracy theories” engage in them all the time. But they don’t present them as theories. They just pass them off as facts. Consider this howler from Julia Ebner, who begins her essay “Stop the Online Conspiracy Theories Before They Break Democracy” with the words: “Organised conspiracy theorist networks have launched an all-out information war across Europe.” Of course, an “organized network” is just a clumsy way of saying “conspiracy.”

For the Left, Russia collusion, patriarchy, and white privilege are not conspiracy theories. They’re just facts. Which means that a “conspiracy theory” is just something that the establishment doesn’t want you to believe. A “conspiracy theory” is just a “dissenting idea,” which means that Ebner’s real title should be “Stop the Online Dissenting Ideas Before They Break Democracy.”

I’ll bet you thought that one feature of democracy is protecting dissenting ideas. That is certainly the purpose of the First Amendment in the United States. Freedom of speech needs to be a constitutional right to allow people to dissent from the opinions of the powerful, who might otherwise censor and punish disagreement.

Like “discrimination” and “generalization,” which the establishment also stigmatize as wicked, conspiracy theorizing—like theorizing in general—is simply a form of intelligence. Theorizing is what smart people do when faced with bewildering and complex phenomena. An establishment that praises credulity and stupidity is obviously up to no good.

Indeed, attacking conspiracy theories as such is an act of desperation. If truth is on your side, then it should be easy to refute contrary positions. The only reason one would want to disqualify dissent as such is the inability to refute dissenting views on their individual merits. But that’s exactly what one would expect from a system founded on lies, particularly the strange, self-contradictory lie that people are all equal and their differences are always a source of strength.

Conspiracy theorizing has been rising in recent years as trust in the establishment declines, and the establishment was pushing back. Before Epstein’s death, there was an alarming trend to weaponize the “conspiracy theory” smear to silence dissidents.

For instance, on August 6, 2018, Facebook, Apple’s iTunes, YouTube, and Spotify removed all content by conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and his InfoWars site from their platforms. What’s the most plausible explanation for all four platforms dumping Jones on the same day: conspiracy or coincidence?

In January of 2019, YouTube announced that it would tweak its algorithms to recommend fewer “conspiracy theory” videos. Of course, YouTube does not define Russia collusion as a conspiracy theory, but it does brand white genocide and the great replacement as conspiracy theories.

Then on August 1, 2019, Yahoo! News reported on an FBI intelligence bulletin from the bureau’s Phoenix field office, dated May 30, 2019, which identified “conspiracy theories” like Pizzagate and QAnon to be domestic terrorist threats.

But since Epstein’s death, “conspiracy theories” are no longer marginal. They are mainstream.

Donald Trump has retweeted speculations that Bill Clinton was behind Epstein’s death. Democrats, for their part, are floating the theory that Trump was behind Epstein’s demise. Both Trump and Clinton are womanizers who knew Epstein.

Former New York Mayor and prosecutor Rudolph Giuliani pronounced the story of Epstein’s suicide “incredible” and claimed that there are “probably 50 very important people that have a motive to kill him.”

Current New York Mayor Bill De Blasio agreed, saying that Epstein’s death was “way too convenient” and could not be attributed to “traditional human error.” De Blasio basically said, “I’m not a conspiracy theorist, but . . .” But, as De Blasio put it, “sometimes you see a series of events that you cannot give a normal explanation for, and there needs to be a full investigation”—which pretty much sums up the feelings of conspiracy theorists on this matter.

Since Epstein’s death, media attempts to contain speculation with the “conspiracy theory” canard have been rather half-hearted, with the lamest attempts coming from the most authoritative sources. For instance, the BBC clucks disapprovingly that “[j]ust hours after the high-profile financier Jeffrey Epstein was found dead on Saturday, unsubstantiated theories about his death began to gain traction online.”

Epstein’s death is obviously fishy to any intelligent person. So of course people immediately began to speculate about alternative scenarios. Complaining that such theories are “unsubstantiated” is silly. Of course they are unsubstantiated. There has not been time to substantiate them. Every theory is unsubstantiated before it is tested. That’s why we need to test them. Let’s put some of the BBC’s investigative journalists to work on that, shall we? But apparently people at the BBC would like you to suspend judgment about the Epstein case and simply believe what they tell you.

After Epstein, we’re all conspiracy theorists now. The distinction between marginal “conspiracy theories” and mainstream “facts” has collapsed. The only relevant distinction now is between good conspiracy theories and bad ones, true conspiracies and false ones. I will discuss that distinction in a future article. This is a necessary labor, because I have a strong distaste for bad conspiracy theories, which often draw on false metaphysical assumptions and smack of madness.

Conspiracy theories are organically connected with populism. Populism holds that government is legitimate only if it governs for the common good. Populists regard factions and special interests as inimical to good government. Populists believe that government deliberations should be maximally transparent to guard against subversion by special interests, which of necessity must conspire in secret against the public good.

As I argued above, Epstein’s death helps populists no matter what the outcome of the case. First and foremost, Epstein’s death has deprived “conspiracy theory” of its power to marginalize, stigmatize, and paralyze critical thinking. Second, no matter what side of the Epstein debate you take, the system loses: If Epstein was murdered or intentionally allowed to commit suicide, the system is evil. If Epstein was negligently allowed to commit suicide, then the system is incompetent. If we never learn the truth about Epstein’s death, then the debate will be between those who think the system is evil enough to cover up the truth or too incompetent to discover it.

Please note that none of these populist gains are contingent on ever discovering the truth about Epstein’s death. The system has already written off these losses and moved on, leaving us to capitalize on them. The best-case scenario for the system entails a catastrophic loss of public trust, prestige, and narrative control.

It’s almost as if Epstein’s death was engineered by people who have no investment in the long-term viability of the American system. Perhaps America isn’t their country. Or maybe they simply fear a much worse outcome.

Which makes me wonder: What would happen if the system’s worst-case scenario came true, namely that we learn the full truth about Jeffrey Epstein and his friends? Given the waning power of the conspiracy canard and the role of genuine investigative journalism in bringing Epstein’s crimes to light, there is some reason for hope. But we shouldn’t wait around for such an eventuality. Instead, we should be capitalizing on the gains the Epstein case has already handed us.

NOTE: Counter-Currents is temporarily unable to take donations from outside the US. 

Support Counter-Currents

Dear Reader,

Like all promoters of ideas that go against the current, Counter-Currents depends on the donations of readers and friends to survive and to grow.

Your contributions will go to pay honoraria and stipends to writers for Counter-Currents.

Over the years, I have seen many talented writers appear, only to disappear a few months or years later.

At first, they are sustained by sheer idealism. But after a while, they learn that idealism alone cannot sustain them when they are hit with temporary feelings of discouragement or competing personal obligations.

By paying writers, we can sustain their interest and enthusiasm through the ups and downs of life. Our goal is to foster talented writers and keep them in the fight for the long haul.

You can make single or recurring donations of any size.

Recurring donations are particularly helpful, since they let us better predict and plan for the future.  We also accept CryptoCurrency donations and are happy to receive your donations by mail.  Regardless of which donation type you choose, know you have our sincere gratitude and thanks.

Finally, we would like to broach a very delicate topic: your will. If you are planning your estate, please think about how you can continue helping the cause even after you are gone. The essay Majority Estate Planning contains many helpful suggestions.

Please give generously!

Note: Donations to Counter-Currents are not tax deductible. Real change never is!

Remember: those who fight for the Golden Age live in it today. Thank you for your support.

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Editor-in-Chief
Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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Remembering H. P. Lovecraft: August 20, 1890–March 15, 1937

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Howard Phillips Lovecraft was born on August 20, 1890, in Providence, Rhode Island, and died there of cancer on March 15, 1937. An heir to Poe and Hawthorne, Lovecraft is one of the pioneers of modern science fiction, fantasy, and horror literature. Lovecraft is a literary favorite in New Rightist circles, for reasons that will become clear from a perusal of the following works on this website.

By Lovecraft himself:

Short stories and letters:

About Lovecraft:

Book:

Podcast:

About the Counter-Currents H. P. Lovecraft Prize for Literature:

Articles and reviews about Lovecraft:

Articles and reviews making substantial use of Lovecraft:

As for editions of Lovecraft’s writings, I recommend the Library of America volume H. P. Lovecraft: Tales, ed. Peter Straub (New York: Library of America, 2005), which contains 22 stories and novellas, including all of Lovecraft’s classic mature works, such as “The Call of Cthulhu,” “The Case of Charles Dexter Ward,” “The Colour out of Space,” “The Dunwich Horror,” “At the Mountains of Madness,” “The Shadow over Innsmouth,” “The Dreams in the Witch House,” “The Thing on the Doorstep,” “The Shadow out of Time,” and “The Haunter of the Dark.” All of the texts are based on S. T. Joshi’s definitive edition of Lovecraft’s fiction.

Joshi’s edition is published in three volumes: The Dunwich Horror and Others, selected by August Derleth, ed. S. T. Joshi (Sauk City, Wis.: Arkham House, 1963); At the Mountains of Madness and Other Novels, selected by August Derleth, ed. S. T. Joshi (Sauk City, Wis.: Arkham House, 1964); and Dagon and Other Macabre Tales, selected by August Derleth, ed. S. T. Joshi (Sauk City, Wis.: Arkham House, 1965). (One must exercise great care in ordering these volumes from Amazon.com, as there are many inferior editions with similar names. The more recent printings are afflicted with hideously cheesy cover art.)

foodforthought5To complete one’s collection of Lovecraft’s fiction, one needs to buy two more volumes. First, there is The Horror in the Museum and Other Revisions, ed. S. T. Joshi (Sauk City, Wis.: Arkham House, 1989), contains works wholly or partially ghost-written by Lovecraft, including some crucial contributions to the Cthuhlu mythos, such as the masterful novella “The Mound,” the fruit of profound meditations on cultural decadence. Second, one needs The Ancient Track: The Complete Poetical Works of H. P. Lovecraft, ed. S. T. Joshi (San Francisco: Night Shade Books, 2001).

Joshi has also edited a five volume edition of Lovecraft’s Collected Essays. August Derleth and various collaborators also published a five volumes of Lovecraft’s Selected Letters.

I also recommend S. T. Joshi’s H. P. Lovecraft: A Life (West Warwick, R.I.: Necronomicon Press, 1996), which has now been superseded by an expanded, two-volume biography I Am Providence: The Life and Times of H. P. Lovecraft (New York: Hippocampus Press, 2010). Also very interesting from a political and philosophical point of view is Joshi’s  H. P. Lovecraft: The Decline of the West (Gillette, N.J.: Wildside Press, 1990), which deals with Lovecraft’s philosophy of life and art.

The best online resource on Lovecraft is The H. P. Lovecraft Archive.

 

Answering Normie Questions, Part 5: Love of One’s Own

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Part 5 of 5 (Part 1 here, Part 4 here)

JM: One of the things that really infuriates me is people willing to toss out tradition, history, heritage, as if they don’t matter. “Why do you care that you’re white? Why do you care about your culture, history, country?” Any of those questions. It seems very common sense to me that this is my group, my culture, my family. I don’t know why I should ever have to defend that. And in so many conversations, I do. I don’t understand how it even becomes controversial to begin with.

Greg Johnson: Right. You can get to a lot of people by following this kind of argument: “You have a son or daughter. Little Johnny, for instance. Little Johnny is yours; he looks like you; you love him, and so on. But he’s not the brightest kid on the block. And you’re putting aside money for his college education. But little Johnny might not be as smart as little Akbar down the street. So why are you paying for Johnny’s education rather than Akbar’s education?” And people will get really upset if you try to pull that on them. They feel like they’re being bullied. But in terms of the norms they’ve accepted, it’s hard for them to answer it. This is why we’re losing everything, because we don’t have good answers to arguments like that.

But the proper answer is, “Because he’s mine. He’s my son. And if I don’t take care of my son, nobody else is going to take care of him. You want me to take care of Akbar down the street, but his parents aren’t going to take care of little Johnny.” So we need to take care of our own, and love our own. And it’s natural, normal, and right to love our own. You can apply that more broadly than to just your immediate family. It’s natural, normal, and right to have preferences for people who are like you. And there’s a whole body of psychological theory that is very well grounded empirically, and very powerful in its predictive ability. This is Genetic Similarity Theory. It turns out that animals, even incredibly primitive animals, animals that don’t even have brains, very limited creatures still have a little unit built into them that allows them to sort between kin and non-kin, and they prefer kin. Ants: They’re not big-brained creatures, but they still prefer kin to non-kin, and this is essential to life.

JM: Yes. And I would think that the party that is most often against this—being liberal, atheistic, secular, and therefore believing in evolution and things like that—they should understand this is buried fairly deep in our brain. This isn’t the prefrontal cortex at work here. And you see the outcomes all the time. This is the hypocrisy of the people who use their prefrontal cortex to argue against it, but in practice live as naturally as anybody else, according to their group preference. And this is not going away anytime soon. I think some people have a sort of accelerationist way of dealing with that, thinking, “Well, let’s just mix together. Soon everybody will be beige.”

GJ: When they say that, I just say, “So you recognize that diversity doesn’t work, and you want to commit genocide on all the distinct peoples of the world so you can make diversity work.” I’ve got a better idea. Instead of committing genocide, why don’t we just put the brakes on all the mixing, and start unmixing things? Wouldn’t that be nice? When you get a liberal saying, “We’ve got to have one beige race,” they’ve given the game away. It is great to get liberals on record: You liberals now recognize that diversity is a curse, and you are willing to engage in genocide in order to create a workable monoracial, monocultural society.

JM: And oftentimes, talking out of both sides of their mouths, they’ll get into some kind of cultural appropriation. So they’re not in favor of the mixing on one hand. But when it comes to race, they’ll say, “No, we have to get through this and make everyone just one human race.”

GJ: Right, if you observe their behavior, or get them a little drunk, you’ll see they are totally uncomfortable with non-whites, unless non-whites are outliers totally assimilated to upper middle-class white norms. They are very uncomfortable around people who aren’t like them. So really, their model is cultural genocide for everybody else.

JM: I’ve seen this plenty of times in my own life: Get them a little drunk, and it really starts to shine through. “That’s extremism, collectivism, tribalism!” All the bad words commonly thrown against it. The people who argue against it also act that way and notice the same thing. It’s not a matter of trying to force this into anybody. It’s just about bringing it out, letting them express natural feelings.

GJ: Yes, and this is one of the reasons I’m fundamentally optimistic about our cause, because I believe that nature is on our side. There are never going to be any workable long-term good consequences of doubling down on multiculturalism. They’re not going to get their coffee-colored humanity. There will be outliers who will miscegenate, but the bulk of people will not. The most ethnocentric people will reproduce their kind, and the least ethnocentric people will disappear, and therefore whites are going to become more ethnocentric on average, because miscegenation is going to pick off the people who aren’t ethnocentric. Whites are going to become more pro-natal on average, because birth control, miscegenation, and feminism are going to take anti-natal people out of the gene pool. So you’re going to find a tendency towards greater ethnocentrism and pro-natal attitudes on the part of white people.

Now, I do believe white genocide is possible, but they’ll just have to kill us. We’re not going to willingly mix ourselves into oblivion, or just cease to reproduce. So what’s going to happen is increased ethnocentrism and racial polarization. Eventually, if we don’t manage to persuade these people to do the rational thing, and halt these horrible policies, they will be halted by systemic collapse; they’ll be reversed by bloody wars and conquests.

We want to avoid that by enlightening people, making them realize this is not going to end well, and then instituting sane, peaceful, and humanitarian solutions, just to reverse the trends. We’ve had fifty years of demographic decline for whites in North America. If we reversed all those trends, if we put things on the right path for fifty years, we would be fine.

I never tire of saying we would reap a lot of the psychological benefits well before those fifty years are up, because we would feel as a group that we’ve got a future again, and I think one of the reasons there’s so much nihilism, helplessness, drug addiction, decadence, and decline among white people is because, deep down, white people don’t believe that we have a future. We need to give our race a future again. And if we resolve today that we are going to have a future, we are going to start feeling the benefits of that today. Even if it takes us fifty years to have an ethnostate, we will start reaping the benefits of it today, and if we reap the benefits of it today, that will hasten the day the ethnostate actually arrives.

JM: The resolve will lift peoples’ spirits, give them a purpose, give them something to work toward. Taking that gift and cherishing it. Preparing it to pass on to the future generations. So it’s very enlightening.

GJ: Even though selfishness is constantly preached in our societies, people are happier when they feel like they are serving a greater good. Unfortunately, the greater good the Left is preaching is just nihilism and self-annihilation for white people. The greater good that we are advocating is preserving our people and all the other peoples of the world, and carrying our heritage on, and raising it to new heights. That’s what we stand for. That’s a truly inspiring vision, and that’s something that can make peoples’ lives a lot more meaningful than playing video games, watching porn, watching sports, and all the other forms of nihilistic self-indulgence society has to offer, basically as a way to while away our time to extinction.

JM: Yes, I agree, and like you said, it is getting worse, the opiate epidemic and things like that. They are out of hand, and have been for quite some time. It is purposelessness, and I’ve been in a debate on social media recently about lacking purpose and what that means. It’s interesting; human beings seem to have a drive for that, and we don’t seem to have one right now. I shouldn’t say “we,” because I feel like I do, and a lot of others do. But I think as a group, we don’t. And we are seeing that. And if that idea were to come, we would start seeing the effects of it right away.

People will bring up problems within specific groups like the Alt Right. And I think what you and I have been talking about here is bigger than that, more than that one singular movement: It’s about a group of ideals, values, a culture. Some people agree with a lot of ideas or believe in the ideals that we are talking about, but they don’t have a problem with certain groups, but I think as long as you agree and believe in that, hopefully you’ll be making the right decisions.

GJ: Right. We need to change peoples’ consciousness, and the right political leaders will come along. Once there is a sufficient change of consciousness, there are going to be a lot of people with leadership skills, money, and organizational skills who are going to pop up and carry that forward in the political realm. Therefore, you don’t have to commit yourself to any of the things that are in the offing today.

I agree that there’s a great deal of dissatisfaction. Since Charlottesville, a lot of people have gone silent in social media. I feel that many of our people are hanging back and watching because they don’t like what they’re seeing. And after the Shelbyville event this past weekend, there has been an explosion of bickering and infighting about this. People have had enough of these marches and events like that. They feel like it’s not the right way forward.

We need a vehicle to carry this consciousness forward in the political realm, but we haven’t figured that out yet. But I’m not worried, because the people who have gone silent and who are biding their time aren’t going to change into multiculturalists. This is an irreversible change. No one goes back from this. No one who sincerely sees what we see and believes what we believe ever goes back from it.

There are apostates. I’ve written an essay called “The Psychology of Apostasy.” But these are people who believe this stuff, or thought they believed it, and said they believed it for social reasons, not because of actual convictions that these are truths. But those who see the truth of this aren’t going to leave for some other thing. They’re just going to wait for a better vehicle to come along. We’ve got time. We’ve got decades to turn this around. I truly believe that. The longer it takes, the harder it’s going to be. But we do have decades to turn this around. So I don’t think we need to hop onto any kind of premature political populist bandwagon. A lot of us aren’t. A lot of us are simply biding our time and waiting and watching.

But as long as we continue to articulate the changes that people are experiencing because of the baked-in problems of multiculturalism, they’re going to come to us. They’re going to come to us; they’re going to mill around; they’ll become a huge crowd. They’ll eventually become a significant enough minority that they can tip the whole balance of society in our direction. Then we’re going to see rapid political change. And I think it will be so rapid, so sudden, and so total that we will all be shocked. It will be as shocking as when Communism fell in 1989. And I believe it’s going to happen in my lifetime.

JM: Once you actually understand the idea, I don’t think there’s any going back. And it’s a big reason I’ve been a huge fan of Counter-Currents. I don’t think you’re trying to tout yourselves as something you’re not. You’re putting out these ideas, giving people a place to go, and I think it really is a place people should check out as a way to understand things better, like where some of this velocity comes from, what are some historical events and tactics that we can look at and learn from. And for those who are biding their time, it’s a perfect place, and even for those who want to make their voices heard, it’s a place they can become educated. I think you’ve done a great job of putting that together.

GJ: Well, thank you very much, that’s music to my ears! We’ve been going on for about ninety minutes now, so I think we should wrap up. Are there any last thoughts before we go?

JM: No, that was great, thank you very much.

GJ: Let’s do this again. Write down some more questions for normies, and you can bounce them off me. Honestly, we should be doing more of this, because we’ve got to get our talking points down. And this is a good kind of workshop. It’s good for me, too. So let’s make plans to do it again.

JM: Absolutely. Will do!

Remembering Leni Riefenstahl: August 22, 1902–September 8, 2003

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782 words

German translation here

Helene Bertha Amalie “Leni” Riefenstahl was born on this day in Berlin in 1902. She died in Pöcking, Bavaria, on September 8, 2003, just after her 101st birthday. She was a highly accomplished dancer, actress, photographer, and film director. 

Even her most jaundiced critics admit that Leni Riefenstahl is the greatest female filmmaker of all time and/or the greatest documentary filmmaker of all time. But this is faint praise, since both fields are rather small.

In truth, Riefenstahl is one of history’s greatest film directors, period, because of her strong aesthetic sense and countless technical innovations, which account for her immense and enduring influence.

Her status as a director, moreover, rests on a very small body of work: two feature films, Das Blaue Licht (The Blue Light, 1934) and Tiefland (Lowlands, completed 1944, released 1954), and two documentaries: Triumph des Willens (Triumph of the Will, 1934) and Olympia (1938), released in two parts: Fest der Völker (Festival of Nations) and Fest der Schönheit (Festival of Beauty).

In addition, Riefenstahl made three other documentaries. Der Sieg des Glaubens (Victory of Faith, 1933, 64 minutes) was a documentary of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party’s 1933 Nuremberg Rally, which was withdrawn after the 1934 purge of Ernst Röhm, who featured prominently in the movie. The other two documentaries were relatively short: Tag der Freiheit: Unsere Wehrmacht (Day of Freedom: Our Armed Forces, 1935, 28 minutes), and Impressionen unter Wasser (Impressions Under Water, 2002, 45 minutes — hailed by one wag as “the world’s most beautiful screensaver”). These documentaries, however, have been seldom seen and have had little influence on Riefestahl’s reputation.

The fact that Riefenstahl’s stature as a filmmaker rests on only four films was not due to lack of effort on her part. After the Second World War, Riefenstahl tried repeatedly to launch new film projects, all of which came to naught, for one reason or another. But there is no question that an artist of Leni Riefenstahl’s talent would have made dozens of films in the 58 years she lived after World War II, if she had not been Adolf Hitler’s favorite director and if the Western movie business and media in general had not been dominated by Jews. The throttling of a talent this great is one of the aesthetic crimes of the 20th century.

It is a reminder that Jewish cultural hegemony is maintained not merely by promoting decadent artists, regardless of their talent, but by suppressing healthy ones, regardless of their talent. It is also a reminder that all other values of the Left-wing coalition — feminism, gay rights, environmentalism, etc. — are always subordinated when they conflict with the overriding Jewish agenda of degrading and destroying the white race, especially those connected in any way with its most self-conscious and militant defenders so far.

If you wish to begin exploring the life and work of Leni Riefenstahl, I recommend that you start with her own works:

  • Triumph of the Will (with Day of Freedom)
  • Olympia
  • Victory of Faith
  • The Blue Light
  • Tiefland
  • Leni Riefenstahl: A Memoir (fascinating and often disingenuous autobiography, which is generally corrected by the biographies listed below)
  • Leni Riefenstahl: Africa (photographs)

Riefenstahl also acts in the following classic films directed by Arnold Fanck:

  • The Holy Mountain (1926)
  • The White Hell of Pitz Palu (1929)
  • Storm Over Mont Blanc (1930)
  • S.O.S. Iceberg (1933)

Do not miss Derek Hawthorne’s extensive analyses of each film, linked below.

Riefenstahl also appears extensively in Ray Müller’s 1994 documentary The Wonderful, Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl. The director includes candid footage, shot when Riefenstahl did not think she was being filmed. His intention was to make her look bad, but in truth she comes off as 100 times the director Müller is. It is required watching, despite the inevitable axe-grinding.

I also recommend the following articles on this website:

Finally, I wish to recommend several books on Riefenstahl:

  • Leni Riefenstahl: Five Lives. A Biography in Pictures (a magnificent coffee-table picture book)
  • Steven Bach, Leni: The Life and Work of Leni Riefenstahl (a tendentious but informative biography by an American Jew)
  • David B. Hinton, The Films of Leni Riefenstahl (informative and mostly fair-minded)
  • Rainer Rother, Leni Riefenstahl: The Seduction of Genius (informative but tendentious, useful as critique of her autobiography)
  • Jürgen Trimborn, Leni Riefenstahl: A Life (an informative but tendentious biography by a self-hating German)

 

You(Tube) Will Not Replace Us!

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James Allsup

2,256 words

Over the last few days, I have been watching YouTube burn. Friends and colleagues have had their channels, large and small, deleted, many of them without warning or any pretense of fairness, rules, process, or appeal. It is Leftist corporate tyranny at its ugliest and least accountable.

The first wave of this new campaign was in June. That is when CounterCurrentsTV got the axe. But now the censorship is escalating.

The golden age of YouTube is over. A couple of years ago, YouTube decided that to sell more ads, they needed to get people to watch more videos. To get people to watch more videos, they created a recommendation algorithm that would nudge people outside their ruts and comfort zones, by suggesting videos that were adjacent to but somewhat different from their established preferences.

Sure enough, people started watching more videos, and as they broadened their intellectual horizons, they came into contact with White Nationalist, National Populist, and Identitarian videos. And if people started out with such preferences, YouTube would serve them more centrist content.

In short, YouTube had found a way to make more money while broadening their viewers’ horizons, turning YouTube into a feast for the mind.

This was especially a boon for white identity politics, for the simple reason that in any fair debate, we beat the multiculturalists, globalists, and anti-whites. Thus in recent years, people on the Dissident Right were able to build up large, influential, and profitable YouTube channels.

We have to keep this in context. YouTube content, like the culture at large, is overwhelmingly centrist (center-Right, center-Left), and like most tech corporations, YouTube has a strongly Left-wing bias. Moreover, YouTube’s algorithm also worked to broaden the horizons of people on the Dissident Right.

But the Dissident Right was growing, meaning that we were winning arguments and changing minds, and the rest of the political spectrum was unable to reverse the process. When Leftists lose arguments to Rightists, the losers label this outcome “radicalization” — as if there is no such thing as the radical Left, as if Leftists are totally not trying to radicalize people in their direction, as if the Left were still not dragging practically the whole world into the abyss. Thus when Leftists bemoan “radicalization,” it is another inherently biased term, a tool of cheap emotional manipulation, not an attempt to identify reality.

For instance, in a study called “Auditing Radicalization Pathways on YouTube,” Manoel Horta Ribeiro, Raphael Ottoni, Robert West, Virgílio A. F. Almeida, and Wagner Meira, analzed 79 million comments on 331,849 videos on 360 channels classified as Alt Right, Alt Lite, and Intellectual Dark Web. They discovered that commenters migrated from IDW and Alt-Lite channels toward explicit white identity politics.

That’s only to be expected, because we have the better arguments, and most of the civic nationalists are cringy, uncool, and obviously dishonest.

Beyond that, the Intellectual Dark Web, like “National Conservatism,” was hatched as a Jewish gatekeeping operation, to keep populist dissent in the civic nationalist corral. Alt Lite figures like Gavin McInnes were dedicated gatekeepers as well. But despite their desire to be gatekeepers, they ended up being gateways to White Nationalism. Thanks, guys.

So even though the Left has all the leading institutions of our society pulling for it, and the mainstream Right exists solely to provide a token resistance to the Left before surrendering, the Dissident Right was still expanding on YouTube, as it is throughout the culture.

Naturally, this alarmed the promoters of multiculturalism and white genocide/the Great Replacement. So they told YouTube to “shut it down.” And that’s exactly what they are doing.

So what do we do?

1. If you are still on YouTube, back up all your work, because it could be deleted any moment.

2. If your channel is deleted, appeal it. It might work. It worked for VDareTV and Black Pigeon Speaks, for instance. If you luck out, though, simply consider it a stay of execution. Use it as an opportunity to back everything up and then prepare to . . .

3. Leave YouTube and watch it burn. It was never realistic to think that we could overthrow the most evil system in human history on a platform owned by the most evil corporation in human history, and be able to make money off it at the same time.

White genocide is real. The Great Replacement is real. That means that at the core of the anti-white system are people who are morally equivalent to Genghis Khan, Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot, and the like. We were never going to defeat them from the comfort of our own bedrooms. They see us as an increasingly serious threat. They are going to do everything they can to shut us down. If they want us all dead, logically they are willing to inflict all lesser forms of discomfort on us as well. YouTube was enormously useful to us, but it is owned by them, so of course they are banning our channels.

Fortunately, they can’t get us off the world wide web without shutting the whole thing down. And they can’t shut it down, because their own global system depends on it.

And even if they could get us off the web entirely, they are still going to lose, because the main force driving the rise of white identity politics and National Populism is the failure of globalization and multiculturalism. As long as the establishment keeps doubling down on globalization, degeneracy, and anti-white hate, they are going to drive more people in our direction — even if we are not around to help deepen their consciousness and suggest workable and morally defensible solutions.

And we will always find some way to hang on to some spaces online, so eventually we are going to win. Censorship and deplatforming will only slow us down. They will never defeat us.

By getting off YouTube, I don’t mean delete your account. Let them do that for you. After all, they might give you cause to  . . .

4. Sue the bastards. YouTube’s behavior is probably illegal in many jurisdictions. Suing is difficult and expensive for individuals, of course. But eventually, the movement will attract the money and skills to have our own public interest law firm. Politicians, journalists, and corporate types constantly break the law. And someday we will have our own institutions with large staffs and budgets dedicated to ferreting out the wrongs done to us, suing the malefactors, and profiting handsomely. We are not there yet, but someday we will be.

By leaving YouTube, I mean divesting yourself of if: emotionally, financially, and as a content creator. You should no longer depend entirely on YouTube or any other platform that you do not own. Therefore, you must . . .

5. Build your own platforms. Counter-Currents has been deplatformed from Paypal, Stripe, iTunes, Facebook, Amazon, and YouTube. I have personally been deplatformed from Paypal and Facebook. I was banned from commenting at Takimag, VNN Forum, Radix, and Altright.com, to spare the feelings of their editors.

But nobody has deplatformed me from Counter-Currents because I own it.

There are, of course, ways to attack platforms that you own. So far, though, every one of them has been tried on The Daily Stormer, and they are still online. Counter-Currents lost our webhosting company in the aftermath of Charlottesville, but we easily found another service and were not down a single day. None of the people who have been bounced from YouTube are as big a target as the Stormer, and if they have survived, you will survive as well.

Don’t get a site hosted by WordPress, Blogspot, or similar companies, unless you want to go the way of Heartiste. Reserve your own domain name and find your own hosting company. You can use WordPress software without being hosted on the WordPress platform. You don’t have to host your own videos. There are platforms to do that, and you will probably have to change them from time to time.

The main benefit of owning your own platform is psychological. It is liberating to have a place where you determine the rules. The most harmful thing about YouTube is not the outright cancellation of channels. It is the uncertainty of living under the tyranny of arbitrary censors, which leads some to self-censorship and outright paralysis. Another factor is that social media platforms like YouTube are designed to be literally addictive. It is psychological torture to be addicted to something that can arbitrarily be shut off. But you can end the anxiety and self-censorship immediately by resolving to build your own platform.

Yes, in the short run, you will lose traffic. But in the not too distant future, all of your YouTube traffic will be gone anyway, and then the only question will be whether you have already built your own platform or not. It is better to build it now, while you can still direct your YouTube subscribers to your own site.

6. Put your videos on Bitchute. We need a new vlogging platform that is monetizable and committed to freedom of speech. In the meantime, there’s Bitchute. YouTube is a natural monopoly because unless other platforms have millions of users, there is no reason for people to join them.

But if all the Dissident Right YouTubers who have been banned, or who are in danger of being banned, move at the same time to Bitchute, it might actually bring enough regular viewers over from YouTube to make Bitchute more viable.

Of course, it is tempting to stay on YouTube as long as possible, because in the short run, you will enjoy more views. If you move to Bitchute, your views will decline dramatically, at least at first. But white people think long term. We think ahead to the coming winter. Winter is coming for white advocacy, especially at YouTube. So in the long run, it makes sense to sacrifice views today if we can build Bitchute into a vibrant alternative platform that may be around for us in years to come.

Oh, and quit Twitter while you’re at it, and move to Gab.

We also need to have faith in our message. There are forces more powerful than Google algorithms driving people to our ideas. Again: The failures of multiculturalism and globalization are the primary reasons people are increasingly receptive to white identity politics. So as long as we are patient and have the foresight to secure our places online, they will find us.

For a list of people who have already moved to Bitchute, see Morgoth’s article “The Exodus to Bitchute.”

7. Promote freedom of speech and regulation of censorious tech giants. These are now the two most important political issues for the Dissident Right. We all need to give them at least some of our time and effort. Again, censorship will not defeat us, but it will slow us down. It will delay the day of victory. And every day victory is delayed is measured in white lives: whites who will die and whites who will never be born because of the Great Replacement. Thus every minute you spend fighting censorship and promoting freedom will save lives.

My essay “Freedom of Speech” is a contribution to this debate. Please read it, and let me know how my arguments can be improved.

8. Calm the tards. There are basically two ways to solve problems: through reason or through force. We can talk it out — or we can fight it out. Censorship prevents us from solving our problems rationally. Making reasoned debate impossible makes force inevitable. Thus censorship, like multiculturalism, is an inherently violent ideology. As John F. Kennedy said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

But the last thing that we need is a White Nationalist version of Nasim Aghdam going on a shooting spree, because such crimes are always used to gin up a moral panic to further censor and deplatform white advocates, which further delays our triumph, a delay that must ultimately be measured in terms of the loss of white lives.

Our movement must have zero tolerance for advocates of violence. When we encounter people making credible threats of violence, we need to turn them in. If you see a credible threat and do nothing, chances are you’ll end up talking to the police anyway, but it will be after a preventable disaster rather than before one. For more on this, see my essay “Against White Nationalist Terrorism.”

9. Conspire together for a better world. A couple of years ago, I came to a rather sobering realization. As fond as I am of writing books and crafting arguments, I concluded that the most important thing I could do with my life is to help create a censorship-free, monetizable alternative to YouTube. And I don’t even like videos.

Such a site should be structured like YouTube used to be: to constantly expand people’s intellectual horizons. Such a platform could be curated to foster a cultural and political renaissance. And it would be good for the Dissident Right, because we win every fair and open debate. An additional benefit would be to stick a knife in the guts of the world’s most evil corporation, and twist it a few times.

I’ve slowly been putting together a vision and the necessary pieces to bring this project about. But you can’t do much without a consensus that an alternative is needed. If something isn’t broken, you don’t fix it. Such projects remain pipedreams without the requisite sense of urgency. But now YouTube is forcing our hand.

You(Tube) Will Not Replace Us.

We will replace YouTube.

NOTE: Counter-Currents is again able to take monthly donations and donations from outside the US. 

Support Counter-Currents

Dear Reader,

Like all promoters of ideas that go against the current, Counter-Currents depends on the donations of readers and friends to survive and to grow.

Your contributions will go to pay honoraria and stipends to writers for Counter-Currents.

Over the years, I have seen many talented writers appear, only to disappear a few months or years later.

At first, they are sustained by sheer idealism. But after a while, they learn that idealism alone cannot sustain them when they are hit with temporary feelings of discouragement or competing personal obligations.

By paying writers, we can sustain their interest and enthusiasm through the ups and downs of life. Our goal is to foster talented writers and keep them in the fight for the long haul.

You can make single or recurring donations of any size.

Recurring donations are particularly helpful, since they let us better predict and plan for the future.  We also accept CryptoCurrency donations and are happy to receive your donations by mail.  Regardless of which donation type you choose, know you have our sincere gratitude and thanks.

Finally, we would like to broach a very delicate topic: your will. If you are planning your estate, please think about how you can continue helping the cause even after you are gone. The essay Majority Estate Planning contains many helpful suggestions.

Please give generously!

Note: Donations to Counter-Currents are not tax deductible. Real change never is!

Remember: those who fight for the Golden Age live in it today. Thank you for your support.

Greg Johnson
Editor-in-Chief
Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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Counter-Currents Radio Podcast No. 246 Ask Counter-Currents

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127 words / 57:06

To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save link as” or “save target as.”

Greg Johnson, John Morgan, and Frodi reconvene our roundtable to discuss “normie” questions and objections regarding white identity politics shared by our readers.

NOTE: Counter-Currents is again able to take monthly donations and donations from outside the US. 

Support Counter-Currents

Dear Reader,

Like all promoters of ideas that go against the current, Counter-Currents depends on the donations of readers and friends to survive and to grow.

Your contributions will go to pay honoraria and stipends to writers for Counter-Currents.

Over the years, I have seen many talented writers appear, only to disappear a few months or years later.

At first, they are sustained by sheer idealism. But after a while, they learn that idealism alone cannot sustain them when they are hit with temporary feelings of discouragement or competing personal obligations.

By paying writers, we can sustain their interest and enthusiasm through the ups and downs of life. Our goal is to foster talented writers and keep them in the fight for the long haul.

You can make single or recurring donations of any size.

Recurring donations are particularly helpful, since they let us better predict and plan for the future.  We also accept CryptoCurrency donations and are happy to receive your donations by mail.  Regardless of which donation type you choose, know you have our sincere gratitude and thanks.

Finally, we would like to broach a very delicate topic: your will. If you are planning your estate, please think about how you can continue helping the cause even after you are gone. The essay Majority Estate Planning contains many helpful suggestions.

Please give generously!

Note: Donations to Counter-Currents are not tax deductible. Real change never is!

Remember: those who fight for the Golden Age live in it today. Thank you for your support.

Greg Johnson
Editor-in-Chief
Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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White Identity Politics: Inevitable, Necessary, Moral, Part 1

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2,518 words

Part 1 of 2

Author’s Note:

The following text is a heavily edited transcript of an extemporaneous talk delivered at the Northwest Forum in Seattle on June 9, 2018. I want to thank the organizers, audience, and James Biehl for the transcription.     

I want to argue for three theses about white identity politics. The first is that it’s inevitable; the second is that it’s necessary; and the third is that it’s moral.

White identity politics is what happens when white people start thinking of ourselves as a group, distinct from other groups, with different interests from other groups, and we are willing to defend our interests whenever they conflict with the interests of other groups. White identity politics means that whites are going to collectivize, we’re going to organize, and we’re going to defend our interests—and advance our interests—within the political realm.

The biggest taboo in American politics today is against white identity politics. The line in the sand between White Nationalists and the Alt Lite is really just the issue of the legitimacy of identity politics for white people. Interestingly enough, that is the line in the sand between White Nationalists and the entire rest of the political spectrum. The cuckservatives want to draw the line there, and everybody to their Left draws the line there as well.

If you organize as a white person for white people, if you speak as a white person for the interests of white people, and especially if you’re willing to act in the political realm for the interests of white people, that is crossing the line into thoughtcrime. It’s us versus the whole political system.

We need to make a few distinctions when we talk about identity politics, just to get started.

The first distinction is between explicit and implicit white identity politics. Explicit white identity politics is openly standing up for white interests. Implicit white identity politics is not openly standing up for white interests but “just so happening” to support policies that resonate more with white people than with anybody else.

Basically every center-Right mainstream party in the white world is practicing implicit white identity politics. And a lot of Left-wing politics is also implicit white identity politics. The Bernie Sanders movement promoting Scandinavian-style socialism in America and the Green Parties throughout the white world are forms of implicit white identity politics; only white people really care about this stuff; it’s just a different kind of white identity politics.

Implicit white identity politics is ultimately based upon biology. As living things, we are wired to feel more comfortable around people who are genetically similar to us. J. Philippe Rushton was an evolutionary psychologist who developed what is called Genetic Similarity Theory and applied it to the argument for nationalism. Rushton argued that science proves that harmonious relations between individuals are strongly correlated with genetic similarity. Increasing genetic similarity leads to increasing harmony. Increasing genetic diversity leads to increasing conflict. Since harmony strengthens and conflict weakens a society, genetic similarity is a source of strength and genetic diversity is a source of weakness.

We know this from looking at the most striking cases of genetic similarity, namely people who are genetically identical, namely identical twins. Identical twins have the most harmonious relationships among human beings because they’re genetically the same. This means they can basically read one another’s minds and complete one another’s sentences. I met a pair of identical twins years ago, and one of them said—and I’m sure the other one was thinking it at the same time—“We’re not so much two people as we’re one egg divided.” I thought that was a beautiful expression. “One egg divided” would be a great title for a book on identical twins.

White people as a race should start thinking of ourselves that way. We’re not so much individuals; we’re one people divided. We’re one people divided up into individuals. But we’re part of one great genetic continuum, going all the way back to the Ice Age and before. And if you have that sense of extended family, of unity, of community—it’s only natural that you’re going to start gravitating towards people who are like you.

Implicit white identity politics, as practiced by cuckservative parties, is basically a swindle. They will “dog whistle” to us, meaning that they will signal in an oblique way that they understand our racial anxieties. They will propose universalistic legislation that “just so happens to coincide” with our interests as white people. But they’ll never explicitly court us. Indeed, if you accuse them of being interested in preserving the white race, they will angrily denounce you. They will do anything to avoid the stigma of standing up for their own people.

I used to think that conservatives are unprincipled, but that’s really not true. Unfortunately, they’re very principled. The trouble is that the principles they hold most sacred are provided by our enemies, and if they act on those principles, they can only lose, and we can only be destroyed.

So white identity politics is quite a broad genre if it can include Republicans dog-whistling to white voters and White Nationalists like me.

Another distinction we need to make within white identity politics is between white separatists, white supremacists, and a third category that I am just going to call uppity white folks.

I am a white separatist, meaning that I want to live in a racially homogeneous society rather than a multiracial society. I want racially homogeneous homelands for all peoples, to the extent that is possible.

White supremacists want whites to rule over other races, which logically presupposes the existence of a multiracial society in which whites are at the top of the hierarchy. If we must have multiracial societies, I would want whites and white standards to be supreme. But I recognize that such a society is oppressive to other racial groups, which is why I would prefer separate homelands for all peoples.

White separatists like me are often labeled “white supremacists” by lazy and dishonest journalists who wish to tar us with associations to the Ku Klux Klan. We should insist that they respect our chosen nouns as piously as they respect the chosen pronouns of transsexuals.

Uppity white folks are white people who are content—for now—to live in a multiracial, multicultural society but who are going to take their own side in ethnic conflicts. Uppity white folks are the largest group practicing white identity politics. They tend toward the implicit rather than explicit end of the spectrum. They tend to be politically moderate. They aren’t willing to entertain radical new policies just yet.

But they are starting to notice that diversity simply means white dispossession. They are tired of anti-white propaganda in the media and education. They are tired of anti-white double standards. They recognize that whites have interests that need to be defended. They are frustrated with cuckservatives who refuse to talk about white identity and white interests. And they are increasingly open to explicit talk of white identity and interests, as long as it is reasonable, moderate, fair to all parties, and not freighted with foreign and antiquarian symbols and ideologies.

Uppity white folks are where white identity politics is growing. They are the people we can agitate and radicalize. The Left thinks that the nearly sixty million white people who voted for Donald Trump are uppity white folks. That’s an exaggeration, of course. But the Trump electorate is definitely our target audience.

Why White Identity Politics is Inevitable

The first question is: Why do I think white identity politics is inevitable? It’s inevitable because of multiculturalism. Multiculturalism means many different races and cultures living within the same system, occupying the same public spaces, accessing the same services, trying to determine the direction of policy. It’s a battle between groups for control of the state apparatus. There’s no such thing as a common good in a multicultural society, because there is no single people. There’s just the squabble of different organized ethnic groups for power. And it’s inevitable that, once white people see their interests being threatened, we are going to start organizing to preserve and advance our interests.

To draw this conclusion, we don’t need to know anything about morality or Genetic Similarity Theory or the dynamics of multicultural societies. All we need to know is that if you attack someone, they will eventually react. If you push white people around long enough, we are going to push back.

“Diversity” is just a euphemism for fewer white people. Why would any sane white person celebrate that? As soon as white people recognize that fact, a reaction is inevitable. We are that reaction. And the trajectory of that reaction is to move from implicit white identity politics to explicit white identity politics.

Why White Identity Politics is Necessary

The next point I want to make is that white identity politics is necessary. More precisely, explicit white identity politics is necessary. Why do we have to go explicit? A lot of people don’t want to explicitly advocate for white interests. They want to be civic nationalists, Trumpian populists, or Western chauvinists.

If you get such people in a quiet room and pour some liquor into them, they’ll assure us that they’re totally “based” and really on the side of explicit white identitarians. But then they will explain why they think openly standing up for white people is a dumb strategy. Our enemies will call us racists. Our cucky friends with disavow us. We might actually lose the support of white people.

But if soft-pedal appeals to white interests and instead uphold the universal principles of “Americanism,” we’ll keep white supporters—because they can always be taken for granted—and maybe we can split off 10% of the black vote! We can get Kanye West to save our race! And the beauty of it is, we don’t even need to talk about what we’re doing. We can overthrow the system while not endangering our place in it. Isn’t that clever?

In the short run, it seems like a clever gambit. The trouble is that in the long run, it dooms us. Here is why if we don’t go explicit, we’re doomed. I’ve used this analogy many times before, but it’s good, so I will use it again.

Imagine American politics as a poker game. In this game, every group in our society—every racial group, every ethnic group—has a seat at the table and a stack of chips. Whites are the largest group in the society, so we’ve got the biggest stack of chips.
But the way the game is played is that every other group has a wild card, namely the “race card,” the “identity card,” but white people don’t. We cannot play the identity card. We have to say, “This policy is for the good of all humanity, and it just so happens to be good for us.” And, of course, if people point out, “Well it really just seems to be better for you than for other people,” you’re forced into a choice. You can either say, “Yeah, so what? We’re going take our own side. We want to win this round.” But that is to play the identity card. And if you are not willing to do that, you have to back off. You have to cuck. You have to give in.

If you play by those rules long enough—when they can play the “race card” and you can’t—you’re going to lose. You would never consent to playing a game of poker where every other person at the table gets to use a wild card and you don’t. By those rules, no matter how many advantages you have at the start of the game, every hand you play is going to put you closer and closer to losing it all. The only way not to lose that game is not to play it.

The way to stop playing that game is to give up the ridiculous taboo against white identity politics. White people simply need to say, “We represent the interests of white people. We built the country. We made it great. It’s our only homeland, and we’re not going to allow it to be taken away from us. We’re not going to be diddled out of a homeland by playing by these rigged rules.”

Of course the cucks will say that we should never give in to identity politics. We should just try to persuade all the other groups in society to stop engaging in identity politics. But why would any sane group of people voluntarily stop using a winning strategy? Why would any group exchange a winning strategy for a losing one? Because the losers ask nicely? We see how well that works out for Republicans.

So in terms of long-term survival, we have to go explicit. But Republicans only think in terms of the short run. Because white identity politics is a taboo they will never break, they won’t deal forthrightly with the anti-white demographic trends baked into the system today, which if unchecked will destroy their party. Non-whites vote more than 70% for the Democrats, and the high immigration and fertility of non-whites means they will be the majority is less than a generation, unless we reverse those demographic trends.

The short-term consequences of breaking the taboo on white identity politics are being called names by journalists. The long-term consequences are a Democratic one-party state and the destruction of everything that conservatives want to conserve. Intelligent and responsible people think about the long run. Foolish, irresponsible people think only about the short run. Strong people are willing to put up with short-term pains for long term gains. Weak people are not. Republicans are weak, foolish, and irresponsible people. They are letting the Left drag this country into the abyss and cement their power with a one-party state.

Republicans evade thinking about the demographic Armageddon facing their party by fervently believing in the myth of the “based” black or mestizo in a Trump hat. Maybe Diamond and Silk will save them. Maybe Kanye will miracle them into the White House or the Senate one more time. But, as I said to a Tea Party woman more than a decade ago, “There aren’t enough fiscally conservative black people in the world to save you.” I know exactly how many black people support the Tea Party, because they’re always on the platform at any event. That’s not enough to save them. As the old joke goes, “What do you call the single black man at a Republican event? The keynote speaker.” This foolishness is destroying America.

That’s why explicit white identity politics is not just inevitable, it is necessary. We have to go explicit; we have to buck the taboos; we have to deal with the long-term problem of white demographic decline. Or we will see all that we love destroyed by a Democratic one-party state ruling over an America that increasingly resembles Mexico or Brazil.

NOTE: Counter-Currents is again able to take monthly donations and donations from outside the US. 

Support Counter-Currents

Dear Reader,

Like all promoters of ideas that go against the current, Counter-Currents depends on the donations of readers and friends to survive and to grow.

Your contributions will go to pay honoraria and stipends to writers for Counter-Currents.

Over the years, I have seen many talented writers appear, only to disappear a few months or years later.

At first, they are sustained by sheer idealism. But after a while, they learn that idealism alone cannot sustain them when they are hit with temporary feelings of discouragement or competing personal obligations.

By paying writers, we can sustain their interest and enthusiasm through the ups and downs of life. Our goal is to foster talented writers and keep them in the fight for the long haul.

You can make single or recurring donations of any size.

Recurring donations are particularly helpful, since they let us better predict and plan for the future.  We also accept CryptoCurrency donations and are happy to receive your donations by mail.  Regardless of which donation type you choose, know you have our sincere gratitude and thanks.

Finally, we would like to broach a very delicate topic: your will. If you are planning your estate, please think about how you can continue helping the cause even after you are gone. The essay Majority Estate Planning contains many helpful suggestions.

Please give generously!

Note: Donations to Counter-Currents are not tax deductible. Real change never is!

Remember: those who fight for the Golden Age live in it today. Thank you for your support.

Greg Johnson
Editor-in-Chief
Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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Counter-Currents Radio Podcast No. 247 Ask Counter-Currents Some More

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To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save link as” or “save target as.”

Greg Johnson, John Morgan, and Frodi reconvene our roundtable to discuss more “normie” questions and objections regarding white identity politics shared by our readers.

NOTE: Counter-Currents is again able to take monthly donations and donations from outside the US. 

Support Counter-Currents

Dear Reader,

Like all promoters of ideas that go against the current, Counter-Currents depends on the donations of readers and friends to survive and to grow.

Your contributions will go to pay honoraria and stipends to writers for Counter-Currents.

Over the years, I have seen many talented writers appear, only to disappear a few months or years later.

At first, they are sustained by sheer idealism. But after a while, they learn that idealism alone cannot sustain them when they are hit with temporary feelings of discouragement or competing personal obligations.

By paying writers, we can sustain their interest and enthusiasm through the ups and downs of life. Our goal is to foster talented writers and keep them in the fight for the long haul.

You can make single or recurring donations of any size.

Recurring donations are particularly helpful, since they let us better predict and plan for the future.  We also accept CryptoCurrency donations and are happy to receive your donations by mail.  Regardless of which donation type you choose, know you have our sincere gratitude and thanks.

Finally, we would like to broach a very delicate topic: your will. If you are planning your estate, please think about how you can continue helping the cause even after you are gone. The essay Majority Estate Planning contains many helpful suggestions.

Please give generously!

Note: Donations to Counter-Currents are not tax deductible. Real change never is!

Remember: those who fight for the Golden Age live in it today. Thank you for your support.

Greg Johnson
Editor-in-Chief
Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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Remembering D. H. Lawrence: September 11, 1885–March 2, 1930

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David Herbert Lawrence was born on September 11, 1885 in Eastwood, Nottinghamshire, England and died from tuberculosis on March 2, 1930 in Vence, France, at the age of 44.

The fourth son of a nearly-illiterate coal miner, Lawrence rose by dint of genius and hard work to become an internationally famous, often censored, and sometimes persecuted novelist, poet, essayist, and painter.

Underlying Lawrence’s writings was a visionary “vitalist” philosophy which affirmed the primary reality of life and criticized Christianity, science, technology, democracy, and feminism for suppressing, deforming, and profaning the life force.

Lawrence was also a man of the Right. A frank elitist, he rejected egalitarianism, liberalism, and democracy in favor of a hierarchical, organic society ruled by a dictator — a society that gave priority to aesthetic, cultural, and eugenic values. Lawrence also had strongly ecological and neopagan sensibilities.

Lawrence was astonishingly productive in his 44 years. His best-known novels are , Sons and Lovers, Lady Chatterley’s Lover, and The Rainbow. He also wrote numerous poems, short stories, essays, criticism, travelogues about Italy and Mexico, and many letters which were posthumously published.

To learn more about Lawrence, consult the following writings on Counter-Currents:

By Lawrence:

About Lawrence:

 

The Counter-Currents 9/11 Symposium

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For the tenth anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Counter-Currents published a symposium (linked below) which, sadly, still remains relevant as the organized Jewish community and various white traitors, dupes, and tools agitate for yet another war with one of Israel’s enemies based upon lies and sanctimony. These are my opening remarks.

* * *

The anniversary of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks is approaching. Frankly, I plan to ignore the official commemorations and mainstream commentary. I felt the horror, mourned the victims, and pitied their loved ones in healthy measure, thank you very much. But that was almost ten years ago.

I want to look back at 9/11 coldly now. I want to save my emotions for the hundreds of thousands killed and wounded and the millions who have suffered because of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan (our people and theirs) — suffering and death that dwarf what happened on 9/11 — suffering and death that are supposedly justified by what happened on 9/11 — suffering and death that are not ten years old but that are happening to this day. We have to look back at 9/11 coldly, or the same horrors will be occurring ten years from now as well.

The narcissism, bad faith, and bad taste of America’s 9/11 commemorations have taken on an almost Jewish quality. The official line is: We were entirely innocent. We were hated for our virtues. And because we are such good and innocent people, when we are wronged, that entitles us to do anything we want to our enemies. And lest our persecuting zeal flag, well we must never forget and never forgive, for we are the true victims, the only victims who matter. Thus we must forever commemorate our victimhood, not to avoid future horrors but to make them inevitable, so that blood may flow without ceasing.

Where have we heard all that before?

Well, I just don’t have to stomach to watch it, even if they throw in an Albert Speer light show.

Instead, I have asked a number of regular Counter-Currents contributors to share their reflections on 9/11 ten years later. I will also share my thoughts in a separate piece. My single ground-rule is that these reflections be honest. Honestly angry, honestly sympathetic, honestly high-minded, honestly cold-blooded, honestly indifferent, honestly brimming with Schadenfreude — but above all honest.

I doubt we will ever have 9/11 “truth,” because we do not control access to the truth. But 9/11 honesty is completely within each individual’s power, starting right here, right now. Join us.

See also:

 

Destigmatizing Racism

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The following is the transcript of a Counter-Currents Radio podcast that was recorded in March 2015. We would like to thank Mahometus for transcribing it.

Greg Johnson: I’m Greg Johnson. Welcome to Counter-Currents Radio. Today I am going to have a conversation with Canadian filmmaker Hugh MacDonald. He is doing some work on an essay presentation that he is going to be giving in London next month. Anyway, he wanted to bounce some ideas off of me, and we thought it prudent just to record it in case other people would find it beneficial as well. So, Hugh, welcome to the show.

Hugh MacDonald: Thank you.

GJ: What’s on your mind? What are you working on exactly? And how can I help you?

HM: I am trying to do a study of the concept of racism. One aspect is to come up with a response when people call you racist. But more broadly it’s just to try to understand what racism really means. What is this concept? Does it have any validity? And I am trying to look at this idea within the context of the feminist argument of “slut shaming.” I am trying to apply the technology of this feminist argument to racism. And I am calling it “racism-shaming.”

GJ: Right. So, what’s the feminist position on slut shaming in a nutshell?

HM: There is something called the “slut walk,” which is a feminist protest movement. It is designed to push against the idea of “slut shaming.” This idea of “slut walk” first began at my university when a cop came to campus and said that in order to avoid rape, make sure you don’t dress like a slut. So, feminists don’t like that argument because in telling women to not dress like a slut or to not be a slut, we are controlling their behavior. From their perspective, we are infringing on their autonomy. According to them, women should be free to do whatever they want to do, and they shouldn’t have men telling them what to do. That is what feminism is all about. Probably one big aspect of a certain type of feminism is this idea of female empowerment, and then putting women in the position where they can decide for themselves.

GJ: It is odd because the advice to women to not dress like sluts actually presupposes that women have a certain amount of agency. It is assuming that they have some power and that it is within their power to be less likely to be a target of rape. Yet, feminists think that giving women this advice would somehow be objectifying them. I don’t get it.

I guess the assumption that they really want to push across is that women are not agents, and that they are entirely victims and entirely passive when it comes to the phenomenon of rape. There is nothing that they could do to avoid it. Instead of trying to spare them from rape, I guess we are trying to just control them in some mean way. It is really a mentality of a spoiled child. Are these adults coming up with this nonsense?

HM: Right. We often get feminists arguing that, “You shouldn’t tell women not to dress like sluts; you should tell men not to rape.” And it is kind of like saying you shouldn’t tell kids to look both ways when they cross streets. You should tell cars not to hit them.

GJ: Yeah. That’s good. And of course, society already tells men not to rape. And in fact, it punishes them quite severely when they are caught and convicted. I guess the assumption here is that we just haven’t done enough to oppress, shame, and tread upon men yet. We can’t really criticize women. Nor even can we make recommendations for prudential measures to avoid being raped.

HM: Well, rape is one aspect of the anti-slut shaming argument. But it is even broader than that. More broadly, it is about saying women should be able to be sluts. They should be able to have promiscuous sex if they want to. The feminists would argue that society attempts to morally oppress and stigmatize that behavior, which is a form of oppression. And in doing that we are attempting to control them, and they are saying don’t try to control us, don’t tell us what to do, which is to me a logical argument, whether or not I agree with it. The moving parts of the machine all add up. When you call a woman a slut, that is a form of punishment.

GJ: It’s moral shaming. Yeah. It’s a negative term that is used to stigmatize certain forms of behavior so that it doesn’t happen again. I think this is just another version of the whole double standard criticism, then. If a man has many sexual partners, he is just a stud, and if a woman does, she is a slut, and that’s a bad thing.

But you know, there are reasons for those double standards. One of them being that promiscuity for women has worse consequences potentially than promiscuity for men. For a man, sperm is cheap. It doesn’t cost men much to produce it and get it out of their system, whereas eggs are expensive and rare. And if one of them happens to be impregnated, a woman is really stuck with it, barring abortion and things like that.

Given that attitudes about promiscuity go way back before the invention of birth control pills and abortion, and probably, to tell you the truth, back before the emergence of modern Homo sapiens, these are going to be deep-seated attitudes, biologically based double standards between men and women. But let’s not just make it a conversation about feminism. Let’s get to the point you want to make about racism using this basic analysis.

HM: What I find interesting about this argument about slut shaming is they are not saying, “Don’t call us sluts.” What they are saying is that there is nothing wrong in being a slut. You shouldn’t try to shame that behavior. You should accept that behavior. I think the most prominent attack on female promiscuity comes from a moral perspective. Traditionally, people would say it’s immoral to be a slut and so sexually promiscuous. It seems to me what’s happening is that if there is no underlying morality for a society, then it is easy to make that argument. It is easy to say, “Hey, you are pushing this morality on me, but what it is based on? You are telling me it is immoral to be a slut, but where is that argument coming from?” At a slut walk, I saw one of the feminists holding up a sign that said, “Slut is a social construct.”

Applying the technology of this argument to racism, I think there is a parallel there in the sense that they (slut shaming and racism) are both socially constructed ideas; to attack women for being sluts or to attack Europeans for being racists. The term that comes to my mind is “racism shaming.” If I say, “Hey, I am a European, and I have a business to help my own people, and for that reason I am only going to employ Europeans, and I am not going to employ any other people,” a Marxist would point at me and say, “Hey, you are a racist. It is evil of you to do that. It is bad for you to put your own people first.” So, it’s the same structure of an argument as if you want to attack someone for being sexually promiscuous. The attempt is to oppress the assertion of our interests through stigmatization.

GJ: Right. So, is it your view that when we are called racists, we should act like a feminist-educated woman who is being called a slut and basically say, “Look, there is nothing wrong in being a racist, this is just a socially constructed word, and we don’t accept the negative stigma that you want to attach to us with this word?” Is that your argument, then?

HM: It’s almost like that. Whereas the feminists say that “slut” is a social construct and pull the rug out from under the concept of the slut, I would like to apply the same argument to this term called “racism.” I don’t have any respect for the term “racism.” It is a bullshit idea. It is not evil or immoral to stand up for our interests. On the contrary, it is our responsibility to do so. Because the problem with the term “racism” is that it is a loaded term like slut. A loaded term does more than simply objectively describe what is in front of you.

GJ: A non-loaded description of a slut would be a woman who is promiscuous sexually.

HM: Yes, that would be a less loaded way of saying it. Another example of a loaded term would the term “fag” as opposed to “homosexual,” as the former comes loaded with negative connotations. You are implying something further than is actually there, which is that there is something bad, evil, or immoral about that behavior.

GJ: Right. Like “negro” or “black person” versus “nigger.”

HM: Yeah. What is a nigger? A nigger is a black person, but you are implying there is something evil or bad about being a black person. And it’s the same thing with this idea of “racism.” When you call someone a racist, you are implying the suggestion of evil that is inherent in the term “racism.”

GJ: Right. Now with the term “racism,” there is a whole complex of associations that comes to mind. For instance, when you talk about “racism,” you think of people who get off on using racial epithets, telling racial jokes, putting down people of other races perhaps, because they feel like they need to lord it over somebody. There is a whole aura of very negative things that goes along with that term. I don’t like people who are constantly using racial epithets and putting other races down. I look down on them. I do admit that sometimes racist jokes are funny. I won’t deny that they are funny, but I look down on that. There is something wrong with that.

But there is also something that is being identified with the term “racist” that’s very good, namely, having a preference for your own kind. And again, that is a pre-human, biological imperative. We all think that a mother who neglects her own baby because she is more interested in the neighbor’s baby for some reason has something wrong with her. There’s something monstrous about that behavior. And, yet, on the international stage in relations between races, it’s been defined as evil across the board for a white person to prefer another white person to a person of a different race just insofar as he is white. Why? Because they are more closely related to us. This is wired into the brain that people naturally feel more comfortable around people who are genetically similar to them, and they feel anxiety and discomfort among people who are genetically dissimilar. And these are phenomena which are part of our nature as animals. We can’t get rid of it even if we thought it was a good thing. And it actually helps us perpetuate our own kind, stay safe, and so forth. These are all moral and good, in my opinion.

So when people use the term “racist,” one way that I handle it is to say, “Look, if by ‘racist’ you mean somebody who is using racial epithets, really gets off demeaning and degrading members of other races, that’s not a good thing. I look down upon that myself, even if I might occasionally laugh at an A. Wyatt Mann cartoon or something like that. I still look down on that. I look down on myself for that. On the other hand, if you are taking about love of one’s own, having genetic preferences for people who are genetically similar to you, there is nothing wrong with that.”

I would just be inclined to say, “Look, I am not guilty of the bad form of racism. With minor exceptions; I laugh at jokes, let’s be real. But I am totally ‘guilty’ of racism in the sense of having a love for one’s own. But I don’t feel bad about that. I think it’s natural, normal, and right.” And my inclination would be to say, “Well, I’ll own up to that kind of racism. But if that is racism, then there is nothing wrong about the idea at all.”

HM: Right. Part of the idea of this essay is how do you respond when people accuse you of racism. The two most common responses are that, “Hey, we are not the racists; they are the real racists.” I try to deflect the attack. Or, “Yes, I am a racist. What’s wrong with that?” And that is kind of similar to the slut argument.

GJ: “Yeah, I’m a racist. So what?”

HM: Yeah. These are the two most common responses. I argue that we shouldn’t do either of those. If you think of the attack as the sword that is coming at you, you shouldn’t fall on the sword by saying, “Yes, I am a racist.” Nor should you deflect it. You should shatter the sword, by which I mean deconstructing the concept of “racism.” Are you accusing me of standing up for my own people? Of course, I am doing that, but to call it racism is problematic because inherent to the term is the suggestion of immorality.

GJ: Right. Well, in a way you are saying it’s not a bad thing. If I were to refer to a black person as a nigger, that would be immediately interpreted as, “Oh, there is that racist being mean.” But I hear black people call one another nigger all the time. What are they doing there? They know that when a white person or a non-black person says the word “nigger,” they are putting them down. And one of the ways they defuse its negativity is by owning it. They are saying that, “Yeah, I am a nigger, but there is nothing wrong with being a nigger.” Like, “I am a slut, but there is nothing wrong with being a slut.” Or, “I am a racist, but there is nothing wrong with that.”

In a way, I think that is shattering the sword. It’s not falling on it, because the real sting of it is the negative moral connotation that society attaches to it. And when they throw the racism bomb at you, you grab it and defuse it. How do you defuse it? You basically deny the negativity that they want to associate with it. They make that hard, because it’s all loaded up. All these negative pictures of Klansmen burning crosses and lynching negroes, and people being assholes and telling racist jokes, and all that kind of stuff. They are masters of packing in a whole bunch of negative pictures and stories connected with racism. That is part of the propaganda.

And my feeling as to how to get rid of it is just to say it is not simply a bad thing; you are trying to cast negative aspersions on something that is natural, normal, and right. In fact, it is something that, if you are honest, you will yourself admit to doing, because most people feel comfortable around their own kind. Most liberals who are massively anti-racist will still have a preference for their own children over the children of strangers.

Occasionally, you get these people like Mia Farrow, who have one of every color. But, honestly, I think Angelina Jolie would probably admit feeling closer to the natural children of her own body than the adopted children she has from Africa and southeast Asia.

So, I think if we try to make it real and bring it down to the fact that we feel more comfortable around people who are like us, like our families and our children, than the people outside that, the argument could be stretched to our race; i.e., our extended family. And there is nothing bad about that. And as long as everybody gets to do the same thing, like blacks take care of blacks and Asians take care of Asians and whites take care of whites, we are all going to be all right. It strikes me that that approach is good.

One thing that I have done in discussing these issues with a friend who is honest, but she is not predisposed to the things I stand for, like White Nationalism, is to begin with twins. She has met identical twins, and she sees how identical twins are really close, to the point they can complete one another’s sentences and read one another’s thoughts. We know that identical twins raised apart make astonishingly similar decisions on things that are so trivial you wouldn’t think they are genetically determined. They vote for the same political party. They drive the same make and color of car. They date women with similar hair colors. They have similar professions, and so forth. All of these things are genetic. Psychologically, the intimacy that twins have is remarkable. Years ago, I met a pair of twins, and one said—and I am sure the other agreed—that they were not so much two people as “one egg divided.” I thought that was really beautiful. I think we can extend that sense of community and closeness on the analogy of twins. The closer people are to us genetically, the more natural harmony we feel with them. We understand them intuitively. We are more likely to be able to cooperate with them.

Let’s say there is a problem in your neighborhood. You want to put speed bumps on the road. Or you want clean up the creek that runs through your neighborhood. It is going to be easier if people live around you are like you. If they trust the same way you trust, they feel responsibility in the same way that you feel responsibility, and those things are racially and culturally quite variable. If you live in a racially and culturally mixed neighborhood, it is very difficult to get the neighbors to come together to get things like speed bumps or keep the streets clean or enforce any kind of standards. I am trying to bring it down to things like that, and I think if you do that, people realize that there is a natural preference, which is not such a bad thing.

But then why is racism the number one crime? And let’s face it, the only thing sacred these days is anti-racism, for a lot of people. Certainly, within the churches that is the only thing that is sacred. I think if we can break it down and get people to think about their own actual decisions and not just confront them with the fact that when they have kids they move to “safer areas” with “better schools,” I think we can get people to get more real about that and take away that negative sting that the term has been loaded with by anti-white propaganda.

HM: Right. I am a nationalist, and I agree that it is totally legitimate for us to stand up for our interests, but I will never call myself a racist. Inherently, it is an attack. If anyone ever called me a racist, I’d just say my approach is that there is nothing wrong with standing up for our interests, but at the same time I would imitate the African-American argument of “Don’t call us niggers.” I would say, “Don’t call me a racist. It offends me that you call me a racist, because you are saying it is evil for my ethnic group to assert our interests.”

GJ: Right. So, we come back to the same thing, which is basically that we have to unburden ourselves of the claim that this is evil. We either reject evil along with the term itself, or we say, “Look, the term is fine, but it’s not evil.” We don’t have to choose between one and the other. It might be useful to use both approaches, just in different circumstances and contexts. I can feign indignation if people call me a racist, but I would definitely explain there isn’t anything wrong in taking care of my own.

One thing, Hugh, that we do need to keep in mind is that people are strongly motivated by morality. The real issue is what’s right and wrong. But there is another element to human psychology:  Sometimes bad things are very attractive. Specifically, people who are willing to own up to being a bit of a scoundrel, who aren’t afraid and don’t show fear of having a finger pointed at them, there is something lordly about that.

HM: I agree.

GJ: Women like bad boys with a little hint of bad about them. Men find bad girls useful, but they don’t particularly admire them. Anyway, it is not always good to be good, but at times it is good to be a little bad. And I think in this particular case we do not want to say we are bad, but what we really do need to communicate that we are not afraid to be called bad. We are willing to hazard that. We are willing to stand up to that. And we are not willing to accept it in the privacy of own thoughts. They can call us bad. They can heap abuse upon us. We are not going to accept the negative connotation. Sometimes you just say, “Sure, whatever. You can call whatever you want. It is not going to deflect me from doing the right thing, and that is taking care of my own.”

HM: Absolutely, I agree with this idea. I often say rebellion is the essence of cool.

GJ: Oh, totally. What does cool mean? Well, in the low sense, it just means what fashion is being promoted at the time and what crap is being sold to you. What is cool about James Dean? What is cool about Clint Eastwood’s classic cowboy roles? I think he is the quintessence of cool. It is a kind of lordly, aloof quality. It connotes strength, right?

HM: I would never deny that I am absolutely putting my people first. I prefer the term European Nationalist, but really, I mean White Nationalist. It is one and the same thing. My only hesitation in using the term European Nationalist is because sometimes people misunderstand me and think that I am talking about some kind of European civic nationalism, and that my loyalty is to people who are citizens of the legal entity called Europe; you know, countries within the continent of Europe. But obviously I am referring to white people. And that in itself is a subversive, dangerous, and rebellious thing to say.

But still, I would never call myself a racist, because it is offensive to me. It is like it is bad for us to stand up for our interests. And it is just like how African-Americans say they would never tolerate us calling them niggers. And in the same way, the term racism is an epithet the same way nigger is. And it is an epithet applicable primarily to people of our ethnic group. You hear this argument more frequently from the Marxists who say that white people can’t experience racism, and that white supremacy and racism go hand in hand. The European white is inherent to the concept of racism. To be a racist and to be a white person is one and the same thing. Only white people can be racists, because we have been beneficiaries of a white supremacist system.

GJ: Right.

HM: So, it even offends me to hear fellow nationalist Europeans who are white using the term “racist,” because the mere usage implies the illegitimacy of our cultural and political existence. It is a kind of acknowledgement that it is bad of us to assert ourselves.

GJ: I see what you are saying, but I don’t agree. In a way I don’t want to argue with the word so much as I want to argue over what’s really dangerous about the word, which is that stigmatizing tone that is attached to it. The stigma is the problem, not the word. And if we can separate the word and the stigma, it is fine.

But here’s the thing: I don’t want them to make us dance. Think of the cowboy movies. They are firing at your feet and making you dance. Somebody shoots at my feet, I am going to move my feet. But if somebody says the word “racist” to me, I’d say, “Are you kidding? Grow up. Come on.” I am not going to dance to that tune or get excited about it. And my feeling is that the coolest and most subversive thing is to just say, “Look, you call me whatever you want. It is not going to deflect me from doing the right thing, which is taking care of my own.” That’s how I feel about it.

It weakens us if we hold the idea that the term “racist” ipso facto is stigmatizing, and it offends us to be called racists. Of course it offends me that there are people who want my kind to cease to exist. I would like to pluck that idea out of the world. I would like that to be gone. The words they use are neither here nor there. It is the evil intent that I am really worried about. And I don’t want to be caught up in word games. Especially, I don’t want to leave the power in the word.

In a way, my criticism of what you are saying is that it leaves the power in the word. You say it offends you inherently, the word inherently stigmatizes. But my view is that nothing inherently stigmatizes, and nothing should inherently offend except the evil intention behind the use of this. I want to fight that, and if the word doesn’t scare me, and we can teach our people not to get scared by the word, then it loses its power, and people who say that just sound like idiots.

I think we would be turning a corner towards victory when somebody says, “That’s racist,” and people just laugh out loud. They don’t even feel the need to defend themselves or the need to say, “Yeah, whatever.” They just laugh. When we get to the point when people just laugh at that, I think we are there. So, I don’t want to give them as much as you are giving them, because if you think the term is inherently against us, then we are going to be ducking and weaving, and I don’t want to do that. I don’t want these people to make me dance with a simple word. We just need to laugh these things off and go about our business. “O racism, where is thy sting?” That’s the attitude I want our people to have.

I think what you are saying is a stage along the way to getting there. I would like us to be impervious to the charge. When we see these politicians and media people who make some unguarded statements, and then they are being roasted, and they are just blubbering for forgiveness for their horrible crime of noticing something real, I pity those people. And I want to take their hand, and sit them down, and say, “It’s just a word which is being used by evil people who are out to destroy you.”

These people might pretend they are offering you a path to absolution. That’s just to sway people to working against racism if they think they can absolve themselves of this guilt. But there is just no absolution, because what we are trying to absolve ourselves of is natural, normal, and right. It is hardwired into our nature as healthy organisms. The only way to overcome this is to become a sick, twisted, and mangled organism. And the harder people try to become “anti-racist,” the more twisted and sicker they become as people.

HM: This idea of power and putting us on the defensive, and if we respond negatively to the accusation of racism, we are putting the power in their hands.

GJ: Yeah. They are putting us on trial.

HM: I think actually getting upset about the term puts us in the power seat. It actually puts them on the defensive if you can say, “Don’t call me a racist”; it is an empowering thing. Like for a black to say, “Don’t call me nigger,” especially when he says, “It is okay for me to say it, but it is not okay for you to say it.” It puts them in a position where they can talk down to us. It puts us on the defensive. It puts us in a position where we say, “Oh, sorry, it’s not okay for us to say it.” And by them getting upset about it, it gives them an opportunity to attack. It is the same way Native Americans get upset about the Washington Redskins.

GJ: Right.

HM: Why are they getting upset about the name? My perspective is that by getting upset, it gives them an opportunity to attack. It puts them on the offensive and us on the defensive. I think most Native Americans don’t actually get offended by the term, but this gives theman opportunity to attack on an ego level. It creates a power hierarchy which puts them at the top. My approach is the same as to this term “racism.” “Don’t call me a racist.”

I don’t call black people niggers. Even in private, I don’t call them niggers. That, honestly, is a literal truth. I am already a White Nationalist, and I would not want to make more enemies for petty things like using terms like that. I don’t call black people “niggers.” I don’t call Jews “kikes.” I don’t call Asians “chinks.” And the reason I don’t call them that, especially to their faces, is simply out of respect. Just as I don’t call people names because I don’t want to offend them. My attitude is, “Hey, if you expect us not to call you names, then we expect to be shown the same respect in return. We don’t call you names, don’t call us names.” You calling me a racist means it’s bad that I stand for my interests. You are trying to oppress that behavior through stigmatization. It is like saying it is evil of us to do what is good for us. That’s my thinking.

GJ: Right. I remember one time this guy was going off on me on the Internet about something, and I responded, “You’re the one on trial here, not me.” And the truth of the matter was that I put him on trial simply by saying that. I simply switched the dynamics by asserting I am not on trial, but you are. And any time we can do that is positive. You put them on the defensive as you are recommending, by saying that calling a white person racist is the equivalent of calling a black person a nigger.

Or you could just attack by saying, “Why do you hate white people?” I would not say, “Do you hate white people?” because then it’s a “No.” Technically, the former is a loaded question. And if they deny that they hate white people, then we say, “Why do you stigmatize what’s normal for every other race? Which is taking care of our own.”

The point is we need to stop being on the defensive and start going on the offensive. Whenever these people start lobbing the racism word at us, we need to go on the offense. And however we do it, I think it is less an issue than just doing it. We have to do it. We have to stop being on the defensive about this, because there is nothing wrong with it. Maybe the word is not the word we want to use, but the substance that they are trying to stigmatize is definitely something we have to defend. We have to totally reject the idea that we are guilty.

This is one of the things that really bothers me about a lot of White Nationalists. They think White Nationalism is some kind of a dirty joke. They think of it as something a little illicit, a little off-color, not for mixed or polite company. They look around and act like they are about to tell a dirty joke before they launch into this stuff. It communicates entirely the wrong attitude.

I think we need to be unapologetic, self-assured, and self-righteous about this stuff without sounding brittle and hysterical. An American-Jewish journalist named Max Blumenthal went to Israel and filmed Israeli Jews running down Obama. Oh, the scandal, the scandal. Everyone was supposed to be upset. One Jewish fellow quite impressed me. It was less what he said than how he said it. He said, “They don’t understand. This land is ours.” He said it in a totally unapologetic manner. It wasn’t strident. It wasn’t hysterical. It was just a firm, matter-of-fact declaration that this land was theirs, and they were going to defend it. And I know if white people or nationalists could be that cool and matter-of-fact, non-apologetic, and non-off-color about asserting our interests, we’d be a lot further down the road. So, I think we agree on the basic goal.

HM: I think I have to make the argument a littler sharper, because you are still not convinced. [laughs]

GJ: Yeah. I am still not convinced, but you know . . . you have made some progress here, I have to admit.

HM: I think I did, especially the way you used the word “stigmatize.” It’s important for us to use that word. In calling white people “racist,” it is an attempt to oppress, stigmatize, and marginalize the assertion of our interests.

GJ: Exactly. That’s well-put.

HM: The whole point of the essay is to appreciate that this is an attempt to control us the same way. In psychological terms, it’s called “conditioning.” You want an organism to do something, you give it a positive reinforcement, and if you don’t want a behavior, you give it something bad. The term “racism” is an attack. It is a punishment. It is form of conditioning. They’re trying to hurt you for things they don’t approve of. They say, “Oh, good, white people don’t stand up for their interests. Good white people shut up and sit down. Good white people don’t do what’s good for them. Good white people do what’s good for me.” And they reward you for being a good, obedient Leftist, and they punish you for standing up for your interests.

GJ: I think it’s important for people who are being attacked to stand up against it. But I think it’s important for other people to stand up for them when they are being attacked. I think a lot of our motivation boils down to the fact that we take stock of what our fellows are going to do in a situation. And we know that if we going to be out there alone, and no one is going to come to our defense, we are not going to take any risks. Why do it alone? That is what most people think. It takes a very special and rare kind of person to stand up and do things when they can be pretty much assured that nobody will come to their defense.

If more and more instances take place in which people come to the defense of somebody who is under attack, then it is going to encourage people. This is why I think the attacks are so brutal. They are so brutal against somebody who offends the racial dogmas today, because the people in power know that if somebody states the truth, the un-PC truth, and is not slapped down and made to apologize or made an example of, then other people will be emboldened.

One project that I have talked over, which actually has never gotten off the drawing board because we don’t know the right people to do it, is to put together a crack team of people who could do the flowing. First we sit down and we do an analysis of the process by which a person who has offended the dominant diversity cult is brought under pressure to apologize; his job is taken away or whatever. We need to find out the steps of that process, and then we need to figure out ways the process can be interrupted at each stage.

So the next time some story like Paula Deen breaks, we send in really sharp-looking, well-spoken people with credentials, like lawyers, sit them down, and lay out what’s going on. We show them examples of people who have been destroyed, even though they apologized, and we try and convince them that first of all they should stand their ground. I call it “The Stand Your Ground Project.” We would give people what they need to stand their ground. We give them legal advice. We would say that we can mobilize a certain amount of public opinion. We’ll get the BUGS people swarming Internet chatrooms and comment threads. If we can give people the resources, moral support, and technical advice that they need to stand their ground and not apologize, and if a few people do that, it is going to catch on.

I think most white people in America and Canada don’t believe this diversity stuff anymore. And they are being suppressed, because they think that they are alone, and if somebody who is mildly famous speaks up and they see them pilloried in public, they go back to thinking they’re alone and hopeless. I think that if a few people who are somewhat public stand their ground and don’t back down and are not destroyed, that could really be game-changing.

So, part of the discussion we are having today really fits into teaching people how to resist, to stand up against that kind of charge. But we need to do more than just give them talking points and moral certainty. We also need to figure out how to give them the support they need for standing their ground. We need to help people with actually negotiating a real crisis. And if more people do that, I think things will change.

HM: Yeah.

GJ: So, are there any final thoughts on this?

HM: I think it’s good to wrap up now, and then I’d like to have a discussion with you another time, maybe. I want to talk about morality as a whole other thing.

GJ: Oh, yeah, definitely.

HM: For now, I think I have used up all my ammunition trying to make an argument about this term “racism.”

GJ: Well, it has really been thought-provoking for me, and those who are listening in are going to be thinking hard, too. I’d like to do more conversations like this. Not just an interview, but a conversation. I think it’s valuable.

HM: Yeah. Good. Okay, thank you.

GJ: Well, thank you, Hugh.

Kommande helg: Svensk boklansering för Det nationalistiska manifestet, 21-22 September

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Detta är en kort video som annonserar helgens boklansering av den svenska översättningen av Greg Johnsons Det nationalistiska manifestet (Logik Förlag), den 21 september i Stockholm och den 22 september i Göteborg. Anmäl intresse till: sweundres@protonmail.com.

This a short video to advertise this weekend’s book launch for the Swedish-language edition of Greg Johnson’s The White Nationalist Manifesto, published by Logik Forlag, on September 21 (in Stockholm) and 22 (in Göteborg). If you’re interested in attending, please send an e-mail to sweundres@protonmail.com.

Remembering Francis Parker Yockey: September 18, 1917–June 16, 1960

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Francis Parker Yockey was born 102 years ago today, September 18, in Chicago. He died in San Francisco on June 16, 1960, an apparent suicide. Yockey is one of America’s greatest anti-liberal thinkers and an abiding influence on the North American New Right. In honor of his birthday, I wish to draw the reader’s attention to the following works on this site.

By Yockey himself:

  • “America’s Two Political Factions,” here
  • “America’s Two Ways of Waging War,” here
  • “Brotherhood,” here
  • “Culture” (December 1953), here
  • “The Destiny of America,” here
  • “1848–1948: Years of Decision,” here
  • “From the Notebooks,” here
  • “The Imperative of Our Age,” here
  • “Liberalism,” here
  • “The Nature of Politics,” here
  • “Nothing New Under the Sun: A Letter from Francis Parker Yockey,” here
  • “The Prague Treason Trial,” here
  • Selections from Francis Parker Yockey, here
  • “Thoughts Personal and Superpersonal (Excerpts),” here
  • “Thoughts Personal and Superpersonal: Knowledge and Skepticism,” here
  • “Thoughts Personal and Superpersonal: On Money,” here
  • “Thoughts Personal and Superpersonal: Prussianism and Americanism,” here
  • “Twentieth-Century Metaphysics,” here
  • “Two Reflections,” here
  • “The World in Flames,” here

About Yockey:

  • Maurice Bardèche on Francis Parker Yockey, here
  • Kerry Bolton, “The Cold War Axis: Soviet Anti-Zionism and the American Right,” Part 1, Part 2, Part 3
  • Kerry Bolton, “A Contemporary Evaluation of Francis Parker Yockey,” Part 1, Part 2, Part 3
  • Kerry Bolton, “Francis Parker Yockey’s Imperium,” here
  • Kerry Bolton, “Early Reactions to Imperium,” here
  • Podcast, “Kerry Bolton on Francis Parker Yockey at 100,” here
  • Anthony Gannon, “Francis Parker Yockey, 1917–1960: A Remembrance of the Author of Imperium,” here
  • Juleigh Howard-Hobson, Six Poems for Francis Parker Yockey, here
  • Margot Metroland, “Revilo P. Oliver and Francis Parker Yockey,” here
  • Michael O’Meara, “Boreas Rising: White Nationalism and the Geopolitics of the Paris-Berlin-Moscow Axis,” Part 1, Part 2, Part 3
  • Michael O’Meara, “The Death of Francis Parker Yockey,” here
  • Michael O’Meara, “The Jitterbugs and the Vabanquespieler: On Yockey’s America,” here
  • Margot Metroland, “Spengler, Yockey, and The Hour of Decision,” here
  • Revilo Oliver, “After Fifty Years,” here
  • Revilo Oliver, “The Shadow of Empire: Francis Parker Yockey after 20 Years,” here
  • Ted Sallis, “The Overman High Culture: The Future of the West,” here (in French, in Portuguese)
  • Ted Sallis, “Pan-European Preservationism,” here
  • Keith Stimley, Interview with H. Keith Thompson on Francis Parker Yockey, here

Counter-Currents is publishing a three-volume set of the Collected Works of Francis Parker Yockey. Volume 3, The World in Flames: The Shorter Writings of Francis Parker Yockey, edited by K. R. Bolton and John Morgan, will be the first to appear. After many delays, it will be released before the end of 2019.

 

Remembering T. S. Eliot:September 26, 1888–January 4, 1965

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Thomas Stearns Eliot was one of the 20th century’s most influential poets, as well as an essayist, literary critic, playwright, and publisher. He won the Nobel Prize for literature in 1948. Born in St. Louis, Missouri, from old New England stock, Eliot emigrated to England in 1914 and was naturalized as a British subject in 1927.

His principal poems are “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” (1915), “The Waste Land” (1922), “The Hollow Men” (1925), “Ash Wednesday” (1930), and “Four Quartets” (1945). His best-known play is Murder in the Cathedral (1935).

Eliot, like Ezra Pound, W. B. Yeats, Knut Hamsun, Wyndham Lewis, and many other great writers of the 20th century, was a man of the Right, although he never crossed “the line” into overt fascism. To learn more about his life, work, and metapolitical significance for the New Right, I recommend the following works published on this site:

  1. Kerry Bolton, “T. S. Eliot,” Part 1, Part 2, also included in More Artists of the Right
  2. Jonathan Bowden, “T. S. Eliot,” Part 1, Part 2, Q&A
  3. Jonathan Bowden, “T. S. Eliot: Ultraconservative Dandy
  4. Christopher Pankhurst, “Little Gidding
  5. Quintilian, “Why I Write: Putting the Pieces Back Together

The best collections of Eliot’s writings are The Complete Poems and Plays: 1909-1950, which is not actually complete, but the best one-volume selection; Selected Prose of T.S. Eliot, which is a good selection of his literary criticism, and Christianity and Culture, his principal work on religion and culture.


Remembering Martin Heidegger: September 26, 1889–May 26, 1976

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Translations: RussianSlovak, SpanishUkrainian

Martin Heidegger is one of the giants of twentieth-century philosophy, both in terms of the depth and originality of his ideas and the breadth of his influence in philosophy, theology, the human sciences, and culture in general.

Heidegger was born on September 26, 1889, in the town of Meßkirch in the district of Sigmaringen in Baden-Württemberg, Germany. He died on May 26, 1976 in Freiburg and was buried in Meßkirch.

Heidegger was from a lower-class Catholic family. His family was too poor to send him to university, so he enrolled in a Jesuit seminary. But Heidegger was soon rejected by the Jesuits due to a heart condition. He then studied theology at the University of Freiburg from 1909–1911, after which time he switched his focus to philosophy. Eventually Heidegger broke entirely with Christianity.

In 1914 Heidegger defended his doctoral dissertation. In 1916, he defended his habilitation dissertation, which entitled him to teach in a German university. During the First World War, Heidegger was spared front duty because of his heart condition.

From 1919 to 1923, Heidegger was the salaried research assistant of Edmund Husserl at the University of Freiburg. Husserl, who was a Jewish convert to Lutheranism, was the founder of the phenomenological movement in German philosophy, and Heidegger was to become his most illustrious student.

In 1923, Heidegger was appointed assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Marburg. There his intense and penetrating engagement with the history of philosophy quickly became known throughout Europe, and students flocked to his lectures, including Hans-Georg Gadamer, who became Heidegger’s most eminent student, as well as such Jewish thinkers as Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt, and Hans Jonas. In 1927, Heidegger published his magnum opus, Being and Time, the foundation of his world-wide fame. In 1928, Husserl retired from the University of Freiburg, and Heidegger returned to replace him, remaining in Freiburg for the rest of his academic career.

Heidegger was elected rector of the University of Freiburg on April 21, 1933. Heidegger joined the ruling National Socialist German Workers Party on May 1, 1933. In his inaugural address as rector on May 27, 1933, and in political speeches and articles from the same period, he expressed his support for the NSDAP and Adolf Hitler. Heidegger resigned as rector in April 1934, but he remained a member of the NSDAP until 1945. After the Second World War, the French occupation authorities banned Heidegger from teaching. In 1949, he was officially “de-Nazified” without penalty. He began teaching again in the 1950–51 academic year. He continued to teach until 1967.

A whole academic industry has grown up around the question of Heidegger and National Socialism. It truly is an embarrassment to the post-WW II intellectual consensus that arguably the greatest philosopher of the twentieth century was a National Socialist. But the truth is that Heidegger was never a particularly good National Socialist.

Yes, Heidegger belonged intellectually to the “Conservative Revolutionary” milieu. Yes, he thought that the NSDAP was the best political option available for Germany. But Heidegger’s view of the meaning of National Socialism was rather unorthodox.

450px-Grab_Heidegger

Heidegger’s grave

Heidegger viewed the National Socialist revolution as the self-assertion of a historically-defined people, the Germans, who wished to regain control of their destiny from an emerging global-technological-materialistic system represented by both Soviet communism and Anglo-Saxon capitalism. This revolt against leveling, homogenizing globalism was, in Heidegger’s words, “the inner truth and greatness” of National Socialism. From this point of view, the NSDAP’s biological racism and anti-Semitism seemed to be not only philosophically naive and superficial but also political distractions.

Heidegger knew that Jews were not Germans, and that Jews were major promoters of the system he rejected. He was glad to see their power broken, but he also had cordial relationships with many Jewish students, including extramarital affairs with Hannah Arendt and Elisabeth Blochmann (who was half-Jewish).

In the end, Heidegger believed that the Third Reich failed to free itself and Europe from the pincers of Soviet and Anglo-Saxon materialism. The necessities of re-armament and war forced a rapprochement with big business and heavy industry, thus Germany fell into the trammels of global technological materialism even as she tried to resist it.

Heidegger was not, however, a Luddite. He was not opposed to technology per se, but to what he called the “essence” of technology, which is not technology itself, but a way of seeing ourselves and the world: the world as a stockpile of resources available for human use, a world in which there are no limits, in principle, to human knowledge or power. This worldview is incompatible with any sort of mystery, including the mystery of our origins or destiny. It is a denial of human differentiation — the differentiation that comes from multiple roots and multiple destinies.

Yet, as Heidegger slyly pointed out, the very idea we can understand and control everything is not something we can understand or control. We don’t understand why we think we can understand everything. And we are literally enthralled by the idea that we can control everything. But once we recognize this, the spell is broken; we are free to return to who we always-already are and destined to be.

But on Heidegger’s own terms, it is still possible to combine a technological civilization with an archaic value system, to reject the essence of technology and affirm rootedness and differentiation. This is what Guillaume Faye calls “archeofuturism.”

Ultimately, Heidegger’s philosophy — particularly his account of human being in time, his fundamental ontology, his account of the history of the West, and his critique of modernity and technology — is of greater significance to the project of the North American New Right than his connection with National Socialism. It is a measure of the embryonic nature of our movement that we are just beginning to deal with his work.

Heidegger is widely cited in our pages.

So far, we have published the following books, articles, and reviews by or related to Heidegger:

Substantial reference to Heidegger is made in the following:

Greg Johnson’s From Plato to Postmodernism contains material on Heidegger.

There is also some discussion of Heidegger in Trevor Lynch’s review essay on Christopher Nolan’s The Dark Knight.

Finally, Collin Cleary’s Summoning the Gods, is deeply influenced by Heidegger.

There are two useful anthologies of Heidegger’s basic writings: Basic Writings, ed. David Farrell Krell and The Heidegger Reader, ed. Günther Figal.

Heidegger is a notoriously difficult stylist. But he was a brilliant lecturer, and his lecture courses are far more accessible than the works he prepared for publication.

Eventually, every reader of Heidegger will have to conquer Being and Time, but a useful preparation for reading Being and Time is the contemporary lecture course History of the Concept of Time: Prolegomena. Being and Time was never finished, but one can get a sense of how the book would have been completed by reading another highly lucid lecture course, The Basic Problems of Phenomenology.

Other essential lecture courses are Introduction to Metaphysics and Nietzsche, which comprises four lecture courses (plus supplemental essays). Originally published in English in four volumes, the Nietzsche lectures are now available in two large paperbacks: Nietzsche: vols. 1 and 2 and Nietzsche: vols. 3 and 4.

There is an immense secondary literature on Heidegger, but most of it is no more accessible than Heidegger himself. The best biography is Rüdiger Safranski, Martin Heidegger: Between Good and Evil. Another highly interesting biographical work is Heinrich Wiegand Petzet, Encounters and Dialogues with Martin Heidegger, 1929–1976, which gives a vivid sense of the highly cultivated people in Heidegger’s generally Right-wing and National Socialist milieu.

As for Heidegger’s philosophy, Richard Polt’s Heidegger: An Introduction is a lucid overview of the whole range and development of Heidegger’s thought.

Michael Zimmerman’s Heidegger’s Confrontation with Modernity: Technology, Politics, and Art is one of the best books ever written about Heidegger. It is clearly written and thrilling to read. It deals with Heidegger’s thought in the context of the Conservative Revolution, extensively discusses his relationship to Ernst Jünger, deals with Heidegger’s relationship with National Socialism, and situates it all in the context of the development of his fundamental ontology.

Julian Young is another very lucid expositor of Heidegger, about whom he has written three books: Heidegger’s Later Philosophy, Heidegger’s Philosophy of Art, and Heidegger, Philosophy, Nazism. I highly recommend them all.

 

The Scandza Forum Returns to Copenhagen Last Call for Tickets!

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On Saturday, October 12, 2019, the Scandza Forum is returning to the Danish capital after our successful event there in September 2018. Only two weeks remain until it happens!

As usual, we give you an all-star line-up of speakers:

Dr. Tomislav (Tom) Sunic (official Website), a former professor at UC Santa Barbara and a former diplomat, is the author of several books in English and French, as well as numerous articles in German. He is a regular contributor to The Occidental Observer and an advisory board member of The Occidental Quarterly and the American Freedom Party. You will find an interview with him here. This will be his first appearance at the Scandza Forum.

Rasmus Paludan, a criminal defense attorney, is the leader of the Danish political party Stram Kurs (Hard Line), which proposes ethnonationalistic utilitarianism as its philosophical base and Danish identitarianism and libertarianism as its two political pillars. In the Danish parliamentary elections on June 5, 2019, the party barely missed the 2% cutoff, when it received 1.8% of the vote (corresponding to three and a half Members of Parliament). Two former Danish intelligence service chiefs have reported that during the election, Paludan received the same level of protection that has only been previously offered to American presidents on state visits. Many will recognize him from his spectacular YouTube videos, some of them with around a million views, in which he goes to immigrant neighborhoods in Denmark and engages in direct discussions with Muslims.

Greg Johnson, PhD, founder and editor of Counter-Currents/North American New Right, former editor of The Occidental Quarterly, and author of innumerable articles as well as ten books, including The White Nationalist Manifesto (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2018). Dr. Johnson is one of the leading theorists of White Nationalism, and he has spoken at every Scandza Forum.

Mark Collett, a political activist and author from Great Britain. He has been actively involved in the nationalist movement for nearly two decades and was formerly the youth leader and Head of Publicity for the British National Party. He now hosts He is the host of The Mark Collett Podcast and Patriotic Weekly Review, popular YouTube shows, and is the author of The Fall of Western Man. This is his second appearance at the Scandza Forum.

Millennial Woes is a Scottish reactionary vlogger, writer, and coordinator. He is part of the international “Dissident Right” but particularly concerned with Great Britain. His work has covered psychology, morality, religion, culture, politics and identity. Woes is returning to the Scandza Forum for the fourth time.

Fróði Midjord, founder of the Scandza Forum, host of the Guide to Kulchur podcast, and an internationally appreciated conference speaker. Last year, Mr. Midjord spoke at seven conferences in five different countries.

 

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Our theme for this event is National Populism: populism suggests that the interests of the people are opposed to the interests and projects of the financial, media, and political elites; national populism, more specifically, signifies the popular rejection of the elite-driven, ideological projects of replacement-level mass immigration, outsourcing, and globalization which target the native peoples of the entire West. Donald Trump’s victory, the Brexit referendum, and the rise of populist nationalist parties all over Europe fly in the face of the liberal and globalist elite’s efforts to persuade whites that mass immigration, multiculturalism, and the dismantling of nation-states are both desirable and inevitable, and recent studies by prominent academics (e.g., Eatwell and Goodwin’s 2018 book National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy) argue that national populism is here to stay.

In liberal democracies, which are supposedly built on popular rule, populism is routinely and surprisingly used as a derogatory term to delegitimize political currents that are not in line with mainstream media narratives. Whenever the will of the people goes against the will of the mass media, this is never taken at face value, but rather dismissed as some sort of terrible mistake or temporary setback. We will discuss what the rise of national populism means for the future of White Nationalism and how it can be harnessed to strengthen the legitimacy of those nation-states which are starting to stand up to mass immigration.

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If you want to know more about our events, please watch any of my several appearances on podcasts and live streams where I have been interviewed about the Scandza Forum, including:

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If you want to attend, please send us an email for information on how to proceed with the registration: info@scandzaforum.com

Since we have two conferences coming up, remember to let us know which one you want to attend (you are also welcome to register for both events, of course).

Because we care about your safety, we have a vetting procedure to make sure that everyone attends with honest intentions. There are three ways you can get admission to the event, so remember to include the necessary information when you contact us:

  1. If you have attended one of our events previously. Make sure to make a note of this when you send us an e-mail.
  2. Get a trusted person to vouch for you (i.e., vouch that you want to attend with honest intentions and that you will follow our security procedure). If you know someone who has attended a previous event, or otherwise knows us, let us know in your email. Remember to also ask that person to send me confirmation that he/she can vouch for you.
  3. Send us photo ID and some personal details (e.g., address/phone number/social media) that will allow us to verify your identity, so that we can make an evaluation. No anonymous registration is accepted.

This will be an unforgettable event – so make sure to register now!

Finally, I want to thank our supporters and donors – you know who you are. It is with their help that the previous Scandza Forums have been made possible, and that we now are able to move forward!

I am looking forward to seeing you all in Copenhagen on October 12th.

 

Remembering Savitri Devi: September 30, 1905–October 22, 1982

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Savitri Devi was a philosopher, a religious thinker, and a tireless polemicist and activist for the causes of animal rights, European pagan revivalism, Hindu nationalism, German National Socialism, and — after the Second World War — pan-European racial nationalism.She also sought to found a religion, Esoteric Hitlerism, fusing National Socialism with the Traditionalism of René Guénon and Julius Evola. All told, she was one of the most extraordinary personalities of the 20th century.

She was born Maximine Portaz born in Lyons, France on September 30, 1905. Her mother, Julia Nash was English, descending from Viking stock. (She claimed that the name Nash is derived from Ash, as in the World Ash Tree.) Her father, Maxim Portaz, was three fourths Italian from Savoy, one fourth Greek. Because of her mixed-European heritage, she identified herself simply as “European.” She also described herself as a “nationalist of all nations.”

For an account of her life and work, read R. G. Fowler’s tribute to Savitri Devi on her 100th birthday: “Woman Against Time: Remembering Savitri Devi’s 100th Birthday.” (Translations: German, French, Czech, Norwegian)

Savitri Devi died on October 22, 1982 in Sible Hedingham, Essex, England at the home of her friend Muriel Gantry. For a sad account of her passing, see Muriel Gantry’s “The Last Days of Savitri Devi,” selected from her correspondence by R. G. Fowler.

For more information on Savitri Devi’s life, work, and influence see R. G. Fowler’s website The Savitri Devi Archive.

Counter-Currents has reprinted several works by Savitri Devi online:

Savitri Devi audios:

Counter-Currents has also published or reprinted several works about Savitri Devi:

Savitri Devi is also quite widely tagged at Counter-Currents.

Six of Savitri Devi’s books are currently in print in English and available for purchase at Counter-Currents:

Counter-Currents has now taken over publication of the Centennial Edition of Savitri Devi’s Works. The next volume will be Pilgrimage, to be followed by a complete English translation of Memories and Reflections of an Aryan Woman.

Remembering Louis de Bonald:October 2, 1754–November 23, 1840

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Louis de Bonald

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Louis Gabriel Ambroise, Vicomte de Bonald, is one of the great French counter-Revolutionary conservative thinkers. For an overview of his life, see “Louis Gabriel Ambroise, Vicomte de Bonald,” here at Counter-Currents.

F. Roger Devlin has written several pieces assessing Bonald’s contribution to the North American New Right:

Several English translations of Bonald are currently available:

Louis de Bonald
The True & Only Wealth of Nations: Essays on Family, Economy, & Society
Translated by Christopher Olaf Blum
Naples, Fla.: Sapientia Press of Ave Maria University, 2006

Critics of the Enlightenment: Readings in the French Counter-Revolutionary Tradition
Edited and translated by Christopher Olaf Blum
Wilmington, Del.: ISI Books, 2004

Louis de Bonald
On Divorce
Translated and edited by Nicholas Davidson
New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1992

 

Remembering Roy Campbell: October 2, 1901–April 22, 1957

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Roy Campbell

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Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side, have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. Campbell died in Portugal in 1957 in a car crash.

Roy Campbell’s poem “Horses on the Camargue” has been published on this site previously. Below is an expanded selection of his poems.

Also on this site, see:

Offsite, see Roger Scruton’s “A Dark Horse.”

When time permits, we will make more of Campbell’s poems available at Counter-Currents.

Autumn

I love to see, when leaves depart,
The clear anatomy arrive,
Winter, the paragon of art,
That kills all forms of life and feeling
Save what is pure and will survive.

Already now the clanging chains
Of geese are harnessed to the moon:
Stripped are the great sun-clouding planes;
And the dark pines, their own revealing,
Let in the needles of the noon.

Strained by the gale the olives whiten
Like hoary wrestlers bent with toil
And, with the vines, their branches lighten
To brim our vats where summer lingers
In the red froth and sun-gold oil.

Soon on our hearth’s reviving pyre
Their rotted stems will crumble up:
And like a ruby, panting fire,
The grape will redden on your fingers
Through the lit crystal of the cup.

The Zebras

From the dark woods that breathe of fallen showers,
Harnessed with level rays in golden reins,
The zebras draw the dawn across the plains
Wading knee-deep among the scarlet flowers.
The sunlight, zithering their flanks with fire,
Flashes between the shadows as they pass
Barred with electric tremors through the grass
Like wind along the gold strings of a lyre.

Into the flushed air snorting rosy plumes
That smoulder round their feet in drifting fumes,
With dove-like voices call the distant fillies,
While round the herd the stallion wheels his flight,
Engine of beauty volted with delight
To roll his mare among the trampled lilies.

The Making of a Poet

In every herd there is some restive steer
Who leaps the cows and heads each hot stampede,
Till the old bulls unite in jealous fear
To hunt him from the pastures where they feed.

Lost in the night he hears the jungles crash
And desperately, lest his courage fail,
Across his hollow flanks with sounding lash
Scourges the heavy whipcord of his tail.

Far from the phalanxes of horns that ward
The sleeping herds he keeps the wolf at bay,
At nightfall by the slinking leopard spoored,
And goaded by the fly-swarm through the day.

The Georgiad (excerpt)

Dinner, most ancient of the Georgian rites,
The noisy prelude of loquacious nights,
At the mere noise of whose unholy gong
The wagging tongue feels resolute and strong,
Senate of bores and parliament of fools,
Where gossip in her native empire rules;
What doleful memories the word suggests -‘
When I have sat like Job among the guests,
Sandwiched between two bores, a hapless prey,
Chained to my chair, and cannot get away,
Longing, without the appetite to eat,
To fill my ears, more than my mouth, with meat,
And stuff my eardrums full of fish and bread
Against the din to wad my dizzy head:
When I have watched each mouthful that they poke
Between their jaws, and praying they might choke,
Found the descending lump but cleared the way
For further anecdotes and more to say.
O Dinners! take my curse upon you all,
But literary dinners most of all . . .

The Serf

His naked skin clothed in the torrid mist
That puffs in smoke around the patient hooves,
The ploughman drives, a slow somnambulist,
And through the green his crimson furrow grooves.
His heart, more deeply than he wounds the plain,
Long by the rasping share of insult torn,
Red clod, to which the war-cry once was rain
And tribal spears the fatal sheaves of corn,
Lies fallow now. But as the turf divides
I see in the slow progress of his strides
Over the toppled clods and falling flowers,
The timeless, surly patience of the serf
That moves the nearest to the naked earth
And ploughs down palaces, and thrones, and towers.

Reflection

My thought has learned the lucid art
By which the willows lave their limbs
Whose form upon the water swims
Though in the air they rise apart.
For when with my delight I lie,
By purest reason unreproved,
Psyche usurps the outward eye
To trace her inward sculpture grooved
In one melodious line, whose flow
With eddying circle now invests
The rippled silver of her breasts,
Now shaves a flank of rose-lit snow,
Or rounds a cheek where sunset dies
in the black starlight of her eyes.

The Golden Shower

Though we seem merely mortal, what we are
Is clearly mirrored on a deathless flood.
We change and fade: our dust is strewn afar—
Only the ancient river of our blood,
Rising far-off in unimagined spaces,
Red with the silt and ruin of the past
And churning with the strife of savage races,
Like deep Zambezi goes on rolling past,
Swiftens through us its energies unending,
And reaches out, beneath the shades we cast,
To what vast ocean of the night descending,
Or in what sunny lake at last to sleep,
We do not know — save that it turns to foam,
Just here, for us; its currents curl and comb
And all its castalies in thunder leap,
Silvering, forth into a white resilience
Of ecstasy, whose momentary brilliance
Must compensate eternities of sleep.

Knowing these things, are not we lovers, then,
Though mortal in our nature, more than men?
Since by our senses, as by rivers, veined,
The hills of primary memory are drained,
And the dim summits of their frosty spars,
Whose tops are nibbled by the grazing stars,
Thawed by the rising noon of our desire,
And fusing into consciousness and fire,
Down through the sounding canyons of the soul
Their rich alluvium of starlight roll.

We are Like Worlds

We bear to future times the secret news
That first was whispered to the new-made earth:
We are like worlds with nations in our thews,
Shaped for delight, and primed for endless birth.
We never kiss but vaster shapes possess
Our bodies: towering up into the skies,
We wear the night and thunder for our dress,
While, vaster than imagination, rise
Two giant forms, like cobras flexed to sting,
Bending their spines in one tremendous ring
With all the starlight burning through their eyes,
Fire in their loins, and on their lips the hiss
Of breath indrawn above some steep abyss.
When, like the sun, our heavenly desire
Has turned this flesh into a cloud of fire
Through which our nerves their strenuous lightning fork
Eternity has blossomed in an hour
And as we gaze upon that wondrous flower
We thin the world a beetle on its stalk.

Mass at Dawn

I dropped my sail and dried my dripping seines
Where the white quay is chequered by cool planes
In whose great branches, always out of sight,
The nightingales are singing day and night.
Though all was grey beneath the moon’s grey beam,
My boat in her new paint shone like a bride,
And silver in my baskets shone the bream:
My arms were tired and I was heavy-eyed,
But when with food and drink, at morning-light,
The children met me at the water-side,
Never was wine so red or bread so white.

The Sisters

After hot loveless nights, when cold winds stream
Sprinkling the frost and dew, before the light,
Bored with the foolish things that girls must dream
Because their beds are empty of delight,

Two sisters rise and strip. Out from the night
Their horses run to their low-whistled pleas—
Vast phantom shapes with eyeballs rolling white,
That sneeze a fiery stream about their knees:

Through the crisp manes their stealthy prowling hands,
Stronger than curbs, in slow caresses rove,
They gallop down across the milk-white sands
And wade far out into the sleeping cove:

The frost stings sweetly with a burning kiss
As intimate as love, as cold as death:
Their lips, whereon delicious tremours hiss
Fume with the ghostly pollen of their breath.

Far out on the grey silence of the flood
They watch the dawn in smouldering gyres expand
Beyond them: and the day burns through their blood
Like a white candle through a shuttered hand.

Anadyomene

Maternal Earth stirs redly from beneath
Her blue sea-blanket and her quilt of sky,
A giant Anadyomene from the sheath
And chrysalis of darkness; till we spy
Her vast barbaric haunches, furred with trees,
Stretched on the continents, and see her hair
Combed in a surf of fire along the breeze
To curl about the dim sierras, where
Faint snow-peaks catch the sun’s far-swivelled beams:
And, tinder to his rays, the mountain-streams
Kindle, and volleying with a thunderstroke
Out of their roaring gullies, burst in smoke
To shred themselves as fine as women’s hair,
And hoop gay rainbows on the sunlit air.

 

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